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5.In his essay “The Use of the Elephant for Military Purposes in Antiquity”(“Die Verwendung des Elefanten zu kriegerischen Zwecken im Altertum”),Jahrbücher fur die deutsche Armee and Marine, Vol.49,December 1883,Major Ohlendorf states the belief that the infantry had the mission of preventing the elephants from turning around.It is difficult to know how the infantry was supposed to go about that. The concept is apparently founded on a translation error.
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6.Alexander had also taken along to the crossing point two taxis of pezetairoi. Nevertheless, they do not appear in the battle formation; only hypaspists and light infantry were involved. The number, too—a total of 6,000 men on foot—eliminates them. Rüstow and Köchly(p.229)have assumed that they were left behind at the crossing point in order to oppose Abisares in case of need. That would have been an error, even if Abisares was expected here; primarily, it was a question of striking Porus with a combination of all one’s forces and of avoiding a fight with Abisares until that was accomplished. An isolated force of light infantry could easily have fallen a victim to him. The reason the pezetairoi were not in the battle is probably simply that they had not completed their crossing.To cross a broad river with inflated skins and just a few boats requires a great deal of time.
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6 作为统帅的亚历山大
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1.Against Philip*(Philippics)3.123.para.49.
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2.H.Droysen, in Studies(Untersuchungen),p.66,assembled the accounts of Alexander’s forced marches. I would, however, prefer not to repeat the detailed figures concerning time and space. The estimate of distances is very arbitrary, and it is also quite doubtful whether the time is always reported accurately. Schwarz, in his very worthwhile study Alexander’s Campaigns in Turkestan(Alexanders Feldzüge in Turkestan),1893,which is based on his personal knowledge of the land and the people, has established, probably correctly, that the march that, according to Arrian 4.6,Alexander made within three days was from Chodschent to Samarkand. Arrian estimates the distance at 1,500 stadia, which means 275 kilometers or 170 miles, and the latest measurements actually give 278 kilometers. Such a march in three days, however, exceeds the capabilities of even the best unit.
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In 3. 15,Arrian recounts that Alexander reached the Lycus(Zab)on the same evening as the battle of Gaugamela, and Arbela on the following day, which is situated 600 stadia—i.e.,68 miles—from the battlefield. We may say with reasonable certainty that the distance was about half that great, but even that is still a tremendous performance.
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3.Of course, it is not a completely new idea that a pursuit magnifies and completes a victory. After Plataea the Mantineans wished to pursue the Persians as far as Thessaly, according to Herodotus 9.77. After the victory at Delium the Boeotian cavalry and light infantry pursued the Athenians until darkness intervened(Thucydides 4.96). Likewise Alcibiades pursued the beaten Persians with cavalry and hoplites(Hellenica 1.2.16). Derdas pursued the defeated Olynthians a distance of 90 stadia(Hellenica 5.3.2). See also other passages in Liers, p.184. These are nevertheless only exceptional cases and are not to be compared with Alexander’s pursuits. In theory, Xenophon, too, in the Cyropaedia(5.3,conclusion),had already recommended pursuit, with the addition that not all the troops should be committed to it but that some should always be kept at hand in good order.
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7 继业者
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1.H.Droysen Studies(Untersuchungen),p.155. Droysen incorrectly concludes, precisely from the fact of the energetic drilling, that there was a worsening of the soldier material.Rather, one may draw from the energy of the military training the opposite conclusion—i.e.,that a strong military spirit existed. The conclusion on p.132,too, that with the increasing size of the armies the material must have gotten continuously worse, is inadmissible. In the huge area of all the Diadochi empires the militarily qualified material was hardly exhausted even with a few hundred thousand men, and “pirates” can become very excellent soldiers.
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2.Athenaeus reports(5.35.202-203)about a procession in Alexandria in about 275 or 274 B.C.in which 57,600 dismounted men and 23,210 mounted men had formed the rear units.
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Appian reports in Preface, Chapter 10,that Ptolemy II had possessed, toward the end of his reign, an army of 200,000 dismounted men,40,000 cavalry,300 elephants,2,000 war chariots,1,500 warships and 2,000 transport ships.
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Paul M. Meyer, in The Military System of the Ptolemies and the Romans in Egypt(Das Heerwesen der Ptolemäer und Römer in Aegypten),p.8,accepts these figures. Nevertheless, it is not hard to recognize that they are greatly exaggerated. One need only imagine what a parade of 57,600 dismounted men and 23,210 mounted men through the streets of a city means. Egypt may at that time have had 3 to 4 million inhabitants(Beloch, Population[Bevölkerung],p.258); or 7 million, as it was reported and apparently accepted by Ulrich Wilcken, Greek Potsherds from Egypt and Nubia(Griechische Os-traka aus Aegypten and Nubien),p.490. This would have made a standing army of 240,000 men amount to 3½ to 7 percent of the population. A fifth of the reported figures would still be quite a large number.
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第四篇 古罗马
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1 骑士与方阵
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1.In spite of the contradiction that Eduard Meyer brought up in his History of Antiquity(Geschichte des Altertums),Vol.2,para.499,I still feel permitted and obliged to hold to this concept of “the continuity of the development of Rome in its constitutional history.”For it is completely clear that the basic principle of the Roman constitutional law, the official power of the magistrature, dates back to a very early time and was gradually divided up and weakened. It is completely impossible that such a strict concept of the power of the official position might not have been formed until the formal sovereign power was already in the hands of the general people’s assembly; it is astonishing enough that that strong concept was able to assert itself for so long within the framework of the sovereignty of the people.
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Furthermore, it is fully clear that the voting organization of the historical period originally had a purely military and no political basis; consequently, this institution, too, goes back to the period of a very strong monarchy.
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One may therefore truly speak of the “continuity of the development of Roman constitutional history,” without, of course, taking for more than they actually were the historical changes of outer form—against which, after all, really only the voice of Meyer has apparently been raised.
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I can leave aside here all the doubt over the authenticity of the chronology and the historical account in detail. The material in which I am interested for this work is not affected by it.
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2.See particularly Vol.III, Book III, Chapters I and II, especially p.251[of the German 2d ed.,1923].
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3.Livy(23.46[215 B.C.])says of the Capuans
:“Sex milia ar-matorum habebant, peditem imbellem; equitatu plus poterant, ita-que equestribus proeliis lacessebant hostem.”(“They had 6,000 armed men; the infantry was not inclined to fight, but the cavalry was more capable and so they provoked the enemy into cavalry battles.”)
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4. The theory that the original inhabitants had become the patricians by means of the income from their land is also opposed by Schmoller, Basic Outline…(Grundriss),2d ed.,1:497:“If one imagines that capital in itself and its unequal distribution produces big business; if one imagines that, because the heirs of fortunate entrepreneurs in the second and third generations appear primarily as possessors of capital, the possession of the capital had created the financial projects, that is completely false. It is always personal characteristics that create and sustain such ventures.”
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5.In Gellius 16.10.1 there is contained a verse of Ennius,“pro-letarius publicitus scutisque feroque ornatus ferro.”(“The proletarian is armed with shield and sword; armed with sword at the public cost.”)Cited by Theodor Mommsen in Political Law(Staatsrecht),Vol.3,Part 1,p.29. See also Polybius 6.21.7:“They chose the youngest and poorest of the men to be fighters with the javelin.”*
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6.For Attica we estimated, in the year 490 B.C.,120-145 inhabitants to the square mile; for Boeotia in the fifth century,110;for Lacedaemon and Messenia 75;for the Peloponnesus 95 to 110. Under the primitive conditions of agriculture, disturbed by the continual warfare with neighboring states, as we must imagine the situation in Italy 2,500 years ago, certainly 120 to 145 is the maximum number that could be fed, even for the fertile soil. As an old trading city, Rome may already have had some grain imports by sea as early as 510 B.C.,but surely not yet any great quantity, for if the city had already been large, it would have had a more important position politically. That the city was still small in comparison with the country area is further attested by the fact that only 4 of the 20 tribes were metropolitan ones. The so-called Servian wall, which enclosed a very large area, dates only from the period of the Samnite Wars.
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7.A regular, official procedure for maintaining registration lists appears at first glance to be something quite simple, but if it is to be reliable, it actually is very difficult and demands an extremely careful and energetic control. The advantages and disadvantages that are at stake are very great and the work, by its very nature, is in the hands of clerks who, in addition to the question of carelessness, can also be subject to bribery. In 214 B.C. when every younger man who was not on active duty in the field could not help being noticed in the street, a check-up found 2,000 juniores who had avoided military duty.Livy 24.18.7.
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8.If our assumption is correct, that at the start of the consular regime Rome had 21 tribes and about 8,400 service-qualified infantrymen, the origin of the normal number of 4,200 for the legion is probably to be explained in no other way than that each of the consuls was allocated half the number. If the entire army was assembled and both consuls present, then they each had the command in turn on a daily alternation.
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