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4.Vegetius 2.7.
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5.During the period of the Empire we see many titles of men with special functions who, in our system, would probably be designated as privates first-class or as noncommissioned officers with administrative functions. See I.H. Drake, The principalis of the Early Empire，1905，and Domaszewski, The Rank Structure of the Roman Army（Die Rangordnung des römischen Heeres）1908.
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4 米特拉达梯
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1.Memnon, who also says not a word about the second battle. Episodes of the History of Greece（Fragmenta historiae Graeciae）（ed. Carolus Müller），3.542.
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2.Kromayer, Ancient Battlefields（Antike Schlachtfelder）Vol.2，has tried to reconstruct at Chaeronea a full-fledged battle, something that has just as little corroboration in the sources and is objectively just as impossible as the same author’s battle of Magnesia. It would be superfluous to give detailed proof for this.
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3.That the largest part of the army had spread out to plunder is not a sufficient reason, for if the remainder was much weaker than the Romans, we must ask ourselves again why Sulla did not take advantage of this opportunity to attack.
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4.K.Eckhardt, Die armenischen Feldzüge des Lucullus, Berlin dissertation 1909，Klio, Vols.9 and 10. The military-objective analysis is not incisive enough. Nor does Gröbe, in Deutsche. Literaturzeitung, Vol.47，1910，agree with him.
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5 罗马人与帕提亚人
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1. The changes I have made in this chapter are based on the painstaking work of Francis Smith in the Historische Zeitschrift, Vol.115，1916.
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2.Regling，“Crassus’War Against the Parthians”“Crassus’Parth-erkrieg，”Klio, Vol.7，1907.
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3.According to Gardthausen, Vol.II, Part 1，p.150，footnote 6，the figures for the strength of the Roman army vary between 13 and 18 legions. The Armenian reinforcing troops should also be added to that number.
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4.Dio Cassius 49.26.
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5.Plutarch, Antonius, Chapter 49，conclusion. Dio 49.31.
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6.This is how Frontinus, Stratagemetos 2.13.7，is to be understood.
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第七篇 恺 撒
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1 恺撒历次征战的批判性分析 无
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2 赫尔维蒂战役
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1.According to Beloch. Hubo, in Neue Jahrbücher fur Philologie 147（1893）：707，estimates 25，000 and seeks to justify Caesar’s own figure by eliminating a “C” from the latter’s number for the width.
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2.Clausewitz, too, estimates in this way（10：66）. A useful comparison is provided by “The War Journal of Albrecht von Brandenburg”（“Das Kriegsbuch Albrechts v. Brandenburg”）in Jähns’s History of Warfare（Geschichte des Kriegswesens）1：521.
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3. The trains that followed the Prussian army at Olmütz in 1758 were made up of almost 4，000 wagons, most of them drawn by 4 horses, and had a length of almost 2 days’march. General Staff Publication（Generalstabswerk）7：93.
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4.Not by a full fourth, as is often said; the quarter of which Caesar speaks refers only to the Helvetii in the narrower sense. The allies were already across, and Caesar also does not say that the quarter was still there when he attacked, but rather, when his scouts observed it. See also Stoffel, The War between Caesar and Ariovistus（Guerre de Cesar et d’Arioviste）p.75.
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5.If Maissiat should be right in distinguishing between the “Segusiavi” and the “Sebusiani，” placing the latter in the southern Jura, north of the Rhone, on the Ain, and thereby having Caesar not camp near Lyons but follow the Helvetii from Fort l’Ecluse through Bourg-en-Bresse, with the result that Labienus with his three legions was waiting one day’s march to the east during the battle on the Sâone, then the Helvetii would indeed have had full freedom of movement from Montmerle, where they were attacked, to take the route either directly westward or southwestward.
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6.Las Cases, Memoirs from Saint Helena（Memorial de Sainte-Hélene）2：445.
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7.H.Bender, in “Caesar’s Credibility on the War with Ariovistus”（“Cäsars Glaubwürdigkeit über den Krieg mit Ariovist，”）（Neue Korrespondenzblätter fur die Gelehrtenschulen Württembergs，1894），shows how very exaggerated Caesar’s account of the hegemony that Ariovistus exercised in Gaul actually is, but the fact itself that Ariovistus was master of a part of central Gaul is not to be doubted.
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8.Caesar has this thought expressed specifically by Liscus（1.17）in the form that they would prefer to obey other Gauls rather than Romans—which presupposes that these other Gauls had first broken/the mastery of the Germans.
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