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1.Tacitus, Germania 6.
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2.Tacitus, Annals 2.45. Mauritius, G.A.，167. Agathias, Bonn. A.，p.81.cit, Müllenhoff, pp.180-181.
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3.Müllenhoff, Germania, p.179.
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4.The passage reads（taken from Scheffer, p.269）：“In battles they make the front of their line even and closely packed, and they render their mounted forces or infantry violent and uncontrollable, thinking that only these of all traits keep them from every deed of cowardice.”* Müllenhoff, in Germania, p.179，has interpreted that in the completely opposite way, as a phalanx front. In my first edition of this volume andagain in the first edition of Vol. III, p.286，I agreed with him, but now I believe that I have found the correct interpretation. Cf. the passage from Leo’s Tactics, in Vol. III, Book III, Chap.2. At Leo’s time, whatever it might have been（cf. Vol. III, Book II, Chap.7），the Germanic square mass no longer existed. His description was only taken over from Mauricius.
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5.Tacitus, Germania 3. Historia 2.22：4.18. Ammianus，16.12：31.7. Eduard Norden, in The Early Germanic History in Tacitus Germania（Die germanische Urgeschichte in Tacitus’Germania）（1920），p.125，sees somewhat too much significance in the “Shield song，” in my opinion.
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6.Plutarch, in Marius 25，describing the battle formation of the Cimbri, tells us that it was just as deep as it was wide, and it may be that this serves as the basis for the concept of the German square mass. But since it is also said that this square mass was 30 stadia（about 3½miles）deep and wide and the entire account is also riddled with fables in otherplaces, its validity as evidence is slight.
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7.The description in Dio Cassius 38.49.50 is purely rhetorical and has no historical worth.
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8.According to Kiekebusch in The Influence of Roman Cultureon the Germanic as Reflected in the Burial Mounds of the Lower Rhine（Der Einfluss der römischen Kultur auf die germanische im Spiegel der Hügelgräber des Niederrheins），p.64（see p.36 n.2 above），that applies only to the Rhenish Germans. According to him, the Elbe Germans, judging from the grave finds, were rich in iron and generally superior to the Rhenish Germans in their culture.
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9.An excellent work is the broad-based study that appeared in 1916 from the Kossinnas Mannus Library, The Armament of the Germans in the Older Iron Age, from About 700 B.C. to 200 A.D.（Die Bewaffnung der Germanen in der älteren Eisenzeit etwa von 700 v. Chr.bis 200 n. Chr.），by Martin Jahn（Würzburg, Curt Kabitzsch）. In order to determine their possible influence on the Germanic weapons system, the author extends his study to cover those of the Celts and the Romans. According to the grave finds, the shields were so light and thin that they could hardly have withstood a powerful thrust of the lance or blow of the sword. For that purpose, however, they had a metal projection which in its extreme form extended into a rod more than 12 centimeters long. This can hardly be interpreted in any other way than that the Germans not only used the shield for passive parrying.like the Romans but also brandished it actively and sought not so much to stop the enemy thrusts and slashes but to ward them off, and therefore fought simultaneously with both arms. In this connection, see below. Book III, Chapter 1，the excursus concerning the Herulians. According to information given to me by Jahn in a letter, the battle-ax played hardly any role before 200 A.D.，judging from grave finds. It is more often found from the third and fourth centuries on, especially in the graves of the Lusatian region, which at that time was inhabited by the Burgundians.
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10.They are collected in the publication Catalogue of the Castings … with German Depictions（Verzeichnis der Abgüsse … mit Germanen-Darstellungen），by K. Schumacher，2d ed.，Mainz，1910.
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11.Martin Jahn, Bewaffnung der Germanen, pp.87，216.
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3 古罗马降服日耳曼
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1.Florus 4.12.
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2.Ritterling（Bonner Jahrbücher，1906）would substitute here, instead of the Yssel, the Vecht River, which branches off farther away from the Rhine. This difference has no significance for our purposes.
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3.Velleius 2.106.
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4.Strabo 7.1.3. Velleius 2.121.
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5.Tacitus, Hist.5.22.
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6.Florus 4.12：“Praeterea in tutelam provinciarum praesidia atque custodias ubique disposuit, per Mosam flumen, per Albim, per Visurgim. Nam per Rheni quidem ripam quinquaginta amplius castella direxit.”（“Moreover, for the protection of the provinces he stationed garrisons and guardhouses everywhere along the Meuse, Elbe, and Weser rivers. In fact, along the bank of the Rhine he erected more than fifty forts.”）Instead of “Mosam，” Asbach（Bonner Jahrbücher 85[1888]：28），probably justifiably, would read “Amisiam.” See also in this connection Tacitus, Annals 1.38.
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7.It is therefore an erroneous expression when Köpp. The Romans in Germany（Die Römer in Deutschland），p.22，explains that Drusus’dvance to the Elbe was only an “isolated, temporary move forward.”
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4 条顿堡森林会战
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1.The fact that the road ran over the hill and not along the valley seems curious to us today, but that was almost the general rule with theroads of antiquity. The Roman milestones in the area of the Rhine that have remained until the present day date back only to the time of Trajan.
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2.Frontinus, Strategem.2.9.4.
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3.It is appropriate that the citations in Frontinus, Strategem.3.15.4 and 4.7.8. Velleius 2.120.and Dio Cassius’ reference to the effect that only one Roman fort had held out have been combined. In this connection, see below, the special study on the location of Aliso following Chapter VI.
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4.Schuchhardt，“Roman-Germanic Research in Northwest Germany”（“Römisch-Germanische Forschung in Nordwestdeutschland”），extract from Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum（1900），p.29.
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5 日尔曼尼库斯与阿米尼乌斯
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