1700079540 2　莱希菲尔德会战

1700079541

1700079542 1.Mon.Germ. SS.，3.408.

1700079543

1700079544 2.Gerhardi, Vita S. Oudalrici（Life of Saint Oudalricus），SS.，4.377.

1700079545

1700079546 3.Flodoard, SS.，III.

1700079547

1700079548 4.Steichele, The Diocese of Augsburg（Das Bistum Augsburg），2（1864）：491，and L. Brunner, The Invasions of the Hungarians in Germany（Die Einfälle der Ungarn in Deutschland），1855，p.38.

1700079549

1700079550 5.Attempts have been made to reconcile Widukind’s report that the Hungarians crossed the Lech and the fact that they were already on the left bank with the assumption that the battle, nevertheless, took place on the left bank. This explanation is based on the assumption that the reference to the Hungarians was only to those who attacked the Germans in the rear before the actual battle and that, consequently, only a part of them crossed the river, only to cross it for a second time near its mouth, thus falling on the Germans from the rear.A special example of this belief is to be found in Wyneken in his Studies on German History（Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte），Vol.21，where he effectively corrects many of the errors made by others but in this case obviously falls from analysis into pure harmonistics. Widukind’s meaning is clear, namely, that the entire Hungarian army crossed the river to do battle, and not simply a part of the army crossed for the purpose of an envelopment and then returned. If anyone wishes to eliminate Widukind’s testimony to the effect that the Hungarians crossed the Lech before the battle（“Ungarii nihil cunctantes Lech fluvium transierunt”：“The Hungarians crossed the Lech River without any delay at all”）in order to be able to place the battle on the left bank, the only consistent possibility is to assume, as I have done above, that Widukind, who makes no mention of the siege, meant the first crossing.

1700079551

1700079552 6.Annales Palidenses（Annals of Pöhlde），SS.，16.60：“ad clivum, qui dicitur Gunzenle”（“toward the hill which is called Gunzenlee”）. Chronicon Eberspergense（Chronicle of Ebersberg），SS.，25.869：“Locus autem certaminis usque in hodiernum diem super fluvium Licum, id est Lech, latino eloquio nominatur Conciolegis, vulgares vero dicunt Gunzenlen.”（“The site of the battle, however, on the river Licum, that is the Lech, is called up to the present day by its Latin name Conciolegis; the common people in fact say Gunzenlen.”）Steichele, in Das Bistum Augsburg，2：491，reports that the hill no longer exists.

1700079553

1700079554 7.Widukind says that the king established his camp “in confiniis Augustanae urbis”（“on the borders of the city of Augsburg”）and that the other contingents joined him there.That, of course, does not mean that the assembly area was in or beside the area belonging to the city of Augsburg, but only that it was in the vicinity of Augsburg, where the battle later took place. The assembly had to take place north of the Danube so that none of the contingents would be individually exposed to an attack by the swift Hungarians. Only after all the contingents were assembled did they move across the river, ready for battle.

1700079555

1700079556 8.Annales Sangallenses majores（Annals of Saint Gall），Mon. Germ. SS.，1.79. To judge from the short report in these annals, it would not be impossible to conclude that the engagement between the Hungarians and the Bohemians and the capture of Lele took place in a completely different campaign, possibly on the Bohemian border. But we may clarify this point through a report from the Chronicon Eberspergense, SS.，20.12，which is admittedly 100 years later and very distorted but also contains the same name, Lel, of the Hungarian duke who was taken prisoner by the Ebersperg garrison while fleeing.

1700079557

1700079558 9.Thus reads the imperial order as it was relayed by Archbishop Hatti of Trier to the bishop of Toul in 817. See p.35，above.

1700079559

1700079560 3　亨利四世皇帝征战史

1700079561

1700079562 1.Both in M.G. SS.，V and in the school edition.

1700079563

1700079564 2.Carmen de bello Saxonico, M.G. SS.，XV.

1700079565

1700079566 3.According to Lambert and Bruno.

1700079567

1700079568 4.The Pöhlder Annals（M.G. SS.，XVI）report as follows on a battle they place in 1080：“Rursus inter Heinricum et Rodolfum bellum gestum est, ubi Rodolfus percepto clamore suos occubuisse putavit et fugit. At ubi eventum rei didicit, se scilicet propriam fugisse victoriam, magis vivere quam mori recusavit.”（“A battle was again waged between Henry and Rudolf, when Rudolf, after hearing a shout, thought his men had fallen and fled. But when he learned the outcome of the battle and that he obviously had fled his own victory, he was more reluctant to live than to die.”）This probably cannot refer to any other event than Melrichstadt.

1700079569

1700079570 5.Berthold expressly stated（M.G. SS.，V）that Henry assured his retinue that this would be the case.

1700079571

1700079572 6.Bruno says nothing about this. But it might be concluded from these points that the Pegau Chronicle had Henry marching up via Weida（south of Gera, on the upper Elster）. That is, of course, impossible in the light of Bruno’s account. But since in any case Henry had also called up Bavaria, where he had a particularly large number of supporters, for the campaign, and these troops could presumably not march on any other route, the account in the Pegau Chronicle may be based on a positive legend that royal troops moved via Weida. Of course, it could also be that the village of Weida, situated on the battlefield, was the place referred to in this legend.

1700079573

1700079574 7.We cannot determine how close he came to Naumburg. Bruno’s statements could be understood to mean that he made an attempt to take Naumburg by storm. But it is also possible that when he heard that the Saxons or their advance guard had already reached Naumburg, Henry crossed the Saale a day’s march farther to the south. Perhaps only an engagement between reconnaissance forces took place before the town.

1700079575

1700079576 4　诺曼人征服盎格鲁-撒克逊人

1700079577

1700079578 1.Major Albany’s work, Early Wars of Wessex，1913，has no scholarly value, according to the review by J. Liebermann in the Historische Zeitschrift, Vol.117，p.500.

1700079579

1700079580 2.Oman, History of the Art of War, to which I refer the reader for the cited provisions of the law, sees（p.109）the reason for opening up the class of thanes in the hope of inducing the peasants and burghers to provide themselves with good weapons and strengthen the military forces. I cannot agree with this idea. A well-to-do burgher or peasant who procures fine weapons does not thereby become a useful warrior, and in case of war he might only be inclined to hide his weapons and reject his newly won status. Such minor measures did not create men of a caliber to oppose the Vikings. Consequently, as we have seen above, the laws can only be interpreted in the opposite sense, namely, that the former warrior status of the thanes had already disappeared and there remained only a civilian-social status into which the more prominent peasants and burghers tried to be admitted.

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1700079582 3.Stubbs，1：262，cites a source in Canterbury to the effect that there were no milites in England before the time of King William.

1700079583

1700079584 4.See Freeman, Vol.III, Appendix H. H.，p.741，for a listing of all the various estimates of the army strengths.

1700079585

1700079586 5.Compare the study on the changes in tactics in the preceding volume, Book IV, Chap.2，p.408，with the statements of Aristotle and Frederick the Great.

1700079587

1700079588 5　诺曼人在英格兰的军事组织

1700079589

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