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32.Chronicon Hanoniese(Chronicle of Hainaut),M.G.,21.552,says of a count of Hainaut that he joined the king of France “cum 110 militibus electis et 80 servientibus equitibus loricatis in propriis expensis venit et ibi et in reditu in propriis expensis semper fuit.”(“He came there with 110 selected knights and eighty sergeants as armored horsemen at his own expense and on his return it was always at his own expense.”)
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Köhler’s citation,3.2.39,from Gislebert SS.,21.520 is incorrect. The same Gislebert reports on p.522 that Baldwin of Hainaut in 1172 came to the assistance of his uncle Henry of Luxembourg “in 340 militibus et totidem servientibus lauricatis et 1,500 clientibus peditibus electis”(“in 340 knights and just as many armored sergeants and 1,500 selected men-at-arms on foot”).
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33.We even find cases where men of knightly birth disdained receiving the ceremonial knighting and had to be forced to it by their lords. Count Baldwin of Flanders announced in 1200 that the son of a knight who had not become a knight by age twenty-five was to be regarded as a peasant. In France, in 1293,it was required, under penalty of punishment, by the twenty-fourth year of those noblemen(“nobiles saltern ex parte patris”:“nobles at least on their father’s side”)who had 200 pounds of income from their property,160 of it as inheritance. Guilhiermoz, pp.231,477. In Zurich this was required by the thirtieth year. Cited in Köhler,3.2.65. In the thirteenth century, the English kings made a fiscal measure of it.
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34.Köhler,3.2.6 and 3.2.135,claims that the city knights did not count in the warrior class because they did not belong to a vassal group, were not vassals or ministeriales. That is conceptually false; one can be a warrior without being an enfeoffed vassal.
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35.Roth, Ritterwürde, p.197. Strangely enough, the raising to the nobility did not come about in France until the end of the thirteenth century. In 1271 Philip III raised a goldsmith to the nobility. Warnkönig and Stein, French Political and Legal History(Französische Staats-und Rechtsgeschichte),1:250. Daniel, Milice franchise,1:74.
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36.The last quotations are from von Wedel, Germany’s Knighthood(Deutschlands Ritterschaft).
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37.Otto von Freisingen, Deeds of Frederick II(Taten Friedrichs II.),Chap.18:“At ille, cum se plebejum diceret, in eodemque ordine velle remanere, sufficere sibi conditionem suam.”(“But he, since he said he was a commoner and wanted to remain in the same rank, and his own class was enough for him …”)In the Ligurinus,2.580,the story is recounted in the following way:
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Strator erat de plebe quidem nec nomine multum
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Vulgato, modica in castris mercede merebat.
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(There was a common groom, to be sure not a man of well-known name, And he worked for small wages in the castle.)
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Frederick wants to give him(v. 610)
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titulos et nomen equestre
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Armaque, cornipedesque feros, cultusque nitentes.
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(titles and knightly name And arms, wild horses, and beautiful clothes.)
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38.According to Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l’origine de la noblesse française, p.372. As a precursor of this formula, Guilhiermoz cites a letter from Pope Zacharias in the year 747 to the mayor of the palace and later king, Pepin, in which he says: “Laymen and warriors have as their calling the defense of the land, priests the giving of counsel and praying.”The pope does not mention the people, the common mass, at all. They form, in the sources of that day, the unwarlike, unarmed species(“imbelle, inerme vulgus”),which the warriors are to protect like cattle from the wolves.
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39.Rust,“The Training of the Knight in the Old French Epic”(“Die Erziehung des Ritters in der altfranzösischen Epik”),Berlin dissertaion,1888,adds nothing new.
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40.Eodem anno(1178)rex Angliae pater transfretavit de Normannia in Angliam,&apud Wodestocke fecit Gaufridum filium suum, Comitem Britanniae, militem: qui statim post susceptionem militaris officii transfretavit de Anglia in Normanniam, et in confinibus Franciae&Normanniae militaribus exercitiis operam praestans gaudebat se bonis militibus aequiparari. Et eo magis ac magis probitatis suae gloriam quaesivit, quo fratres suos, Henricum videlicet regem,&Richardum Comitem Pictavis in armis militaribus plus fiorere cognovit. Et erat his mens una, videlicet, plus caeteris posse in armis: scientes, quod ars bellandi, si non praeluditur, cum fuerit necessaria non habetur. Nec potest athlete magnos spiritus ad certamen afferre, qui nunquam suggilatus est. Ille qui sanguinem suum vidit; cuius denies crepuerunt sub pugno; ille qui supplantatus aduersarium toto tulit corpore, nec proiecit animum proiectus; qui quotiens cecidit, contumacior surrexit, cum magna spe descendit ad pugnam. Multum enim adiicit sibi virtus lacessita; fugitiva gloria est mens subiecta terrori. Sine culpa vincitur oneris immensitate, qui ad portandam sarcinam etsi impar, tamen devotus occurrit. Bene solvuntur sudoris praemia, ubi sunt templa Victoriae.
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Hoveden, ed. Stubbs,2:166. According to Stubbs, the maxims are all from Seneca.
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41.See Rabanus Maurus below in the chapter “Theory,”Book IV.
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42.The preceding citations are from von Wedel, Deutschlands Ritterschaft, and Alwin Schultz, The Courtly Life(Das höfische Leben),1:170.
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43.Cited in Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l’origine de la noblesse française, p.433,Note 60.
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44.Roth von Schreckenstein, The Knightly Dignity and the Knightly Class(Ritterwürde und Ritterstand),p.167,as taken from Ennodius.
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45.Nithard,3:6.
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46.Alwin Schultz, Das höfische Leben,2:108.
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47.There are two thorough and fruitful source studies on tour-naments: F. Niedner, The German Tournament in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries(Das deutsche Turnier im 12.und 13.Jahrhundert),Berlin,1881,and Becker, Armed Games(Waffenspiele),Düren Program,1887.
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