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2.Arnulph, Chap.18，SS.，8.16 ff.
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3.Handloike, The Lombard Cities under the Hegemony of the Bishops and the Rise of the Communes（Die lombardischen Städte unter der Herrschaft der Bischöfe und die Entstehung der Kommunen），Berlin，1883.
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4.Hegel，1：252. Hartmann, History of Italy in the Middle Ages（Geschichte Italiens im Mittelalter），2：2：80；2：2：117.
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5.Relatio de Legatione Constantinopolitana（Report on the Embassy to Constantinople），Chap.12.
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6.Hegel，2：31. In a charter of Henry III for Mantua, there appears the expression “cives videlicet Eremannos”（“inhabitants, namely warriors”），which Hegel，2：143，interprets as meaning that the burghers were declared to be warriors（“Eremannos”）.
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As evidence from the other side of the narrowing of the distinction between the classes, we may cite Emperor Lambert’s law of 898：“Ut nullus comitum arimannos in benefìcio suis hominibus tribuat.”（“That no count should grant to his own men warriors in a benefice.”）If the emperor had to take the “arimannos，” that is, the free warriors, under his protection in this manner, then they were under a pressure that necessarily lessened the distinction between them and the burghers and peasants.
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7.According to the Gesta Friderici in Lombardia（Deeds of Frederick in Lombardy），p.30（M.G.，18.365），there were 15，000 knights（“milites fuerunt appretiati quindecim milia”）before Milan; according to Ragewin，3：32，there were about 100，000 men（“circiter 100 milia armatorum vel amplius”）. These two figures were then combined in the manner indicated above. The Annales Sancti Disibodi（Annals of St. Disibodus），M.G.，SS.，17.29，give only 50，000 men（“Teutunicorum seu etiam Longobardorum”（“of Germans and also Lombards”）. See Giesebrecht, History of the German Imperial Period（Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit），6：259.
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8.Ragewin，3.34.
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9.Ragewin，4.58.
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10.The accounts of the battle of Carcano in the narrative works of Raumer, Giesebrecht, Prutz, etc.are all inaccurate, especially since they did not eliminate the fables of the Codagnellus. The documentary basis for my account is given in the “Contributions to the Military History of the Hohenstaufen Period”（“Beiträge zur Kriegsgeschichte der staufischen Zeit”）by Benno Hanow. Berlin dissertation，1905. The account in Köhler，3：3：124，is mostly fantasy.
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11.Otto Morena, M.G. SS.，18.631.
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12.Annales Weingartenses Welfici（Welficius, Annals of Weingarten），M.G.，SS.，17.309. The duke of Bavaria and Saxony reportedly went to the emperor’s aid “in mille ducentis loricis”（“about 1，200 men in mail”）. Welf: “in trecentis loricis Deuthonicorum”（“about 300 mailed Germans”）.
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13.The complete passage from Otto Morena reads as follows: The Romans flee “turn quia forte justitiam non habebant, turn etiam quia postquam in campo exeunt, non sicut sui majores fecere, faciunt, imo vilissimi sunt, turn etiam qui Teutonicos magis timebant quam alios”（“then because they did not, as it happened, have justice, then also because after they went out on the field they acted, not as their ancestors did; rather, they were most worthless. Then also they feared the Germans more greatly than others”）. What does the word “justitia” mean here? The “just thing”?Or “the correct way and manner，” that is, of fighting?
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On this point I turned to the prominent scholar of medieval Latin, Paul von Winterfeld, who since then has been prematurely lost to the field of scholarship, but he did not know the answer either. He wrote to me:
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From the purely philological viewpoint, it also seems quite unlikely to me that “justitia” should mean the “just thing”；for this is not a biblical expression. I have looked through the article on justitia in the concordance but have only found the expression “habeas justitiam coram deo”（“You should have justice in the presence of God”），in Deuteronomy，24，13.
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But now can “the correct manner” be the right interpretation? That would, after all, be very colorless, but there is also an idea associated with it which seems to oppose this meaning: “turn quia forte iustitiam non habebant”，as well as because they are of no value（or rather: “or because”?）. What do you understand here by “the correct way”?In any case，“forte” means this “single instance” in contrast with the word “in general” of the other clause. I have the feeling that the word “justitia” is a corruption, but I do not know how to emend it.“Fiduciam” would fit here, but, of course, it is too extreme a change.
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14.Dümmler, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie，1（1897）：112. Lucanus, de bello civili（On the Civil War），1.256. Annales Egmondani（Annals of Egmunda），SS.，16.453.
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15.Gedr.Sudendorf, Registrum，2.146.
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16.All of these various figures, arranged in numerical sequence, are clearly presented in Varrentrapp’s Christian von Mainz, p.38.
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17.Liber pontificalis（The Papal Book），ed. Duchesne, p.415.
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18.That is incorrect. The emperor did not go through Tuscia but penetrated into Romagna from the north.
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19.This entire scene is pure fiction, since Christian was not with the emperor before Ancona but had moved from Genoa through Tuscany and was not far from Reinald. It was only afterward that the emperor heard of these events. See Varrentrapp, Christian von Mainz, p.28 ff.
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20.Not a word of this is to be believed. See Varrentrapp, loc.cit.
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21.Wyss, in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie，540：2，doubts whether Duke Berthold von Zähringen really participated in the battle and was taken prisoner, but his view seems to be contradicted by Giesebrecht，6：530. Giesebrecht，6：528，considers it possible that Margrave Dietrich von der Lausitz also took part in the battle. But we only know from an undated document which was probably not written until December 1176 that he was then at the emperor’s court, but that does not permit any conclusion as to his whereabouts in May.
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22.According to the Gesta Friderici in Lombardia, ed. Holder-Egger（Annales Mediolanenses majores: Greater Annals of Milan），the army that had come across the Alps numbered 2，000 men, that is, knights. This number is not to be divided in half, as if only half of the men were knights（Giesebrecht），nor can it be multiplied as if there were naturally additional combatants of lower rank. According to the Gesta Friderici, the emperor himself had led 1，000 knights from Pavia, and according to Gottfried von Viterbo, this number was 500. In addition, there were the men of Como, who hardly numbered more than the 500 men who supposedly were killed or captured（Gesta Friderici and Continuatio Sanblasiana ad Ottonis Frisingensis chronicon[Sanblasianus’Continuation of the Chronicle of Otto of Freysingen]，SS.，20.316）.
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