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From the purely philological viewpoint, it also seems quite unlikely to me that “justitia” should mean the “just thing”；for this is not a biblical expression. I have looked through the article on justitia in the concordance but have only found the expression “habeas justitiam coram deo”（“You should have justice in the presence of God”），in Deuteronomy，24，13.
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But now can “the correct manner” be the right interpretation? That would, after all, be very colorless, but there is also an idea associated with it which seems to oppose this meaning: “turn quia forte iustitiam non habebant”，as well as because they are of no value（or rather: “or because”?）. What do you understand here by “the correct way”?In any case，“forte” means this “single instance” in contrast with the word “in general” of the other clause. I have the feeling that the word “justitia” is a corruption, but I do not know how to emend it.“Fiduciam” would fit here, but, of course, it is too extreme a change.
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14.Dümmler, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie，1（1897）：112. Lucanus, de bello civili（On the Civil War），1.256. Annales Egmondani（Annals of Egmunda），SS.，16.453.
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15.Gedr.Sudendorf, Registrum，2.146.
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16.All of these various figures, arranged in numerical sequence, are clearly presented in Varrentrapp’s Christian von Mainz, p.38.
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17.Liber pontificalis（The Papal Book），ed. Duchesne, p.415.
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18.That is incorrect. The emperor did not go through Tuscia but penetrated into Romagna from the north.
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19.This entire scene is pure fiction, since Christian was not with the emperor before Ancona but had moved from Genoa through Tuscany and was not far from Reinald. It was only afterward that the emperor heard of these events. See Varrentrapp, Christian von Mainz, p.28 ff.
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20.Not a word of this is to be believed. See Varrentrapp, loc.cit.
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21.Wyss, in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie，540：2，doubts whether Duke Berthold von Zähringen really participated in the battle and was taken prisoner, but his view seems to be contradicted by Giesebrecht，6：530. Giesebrecht，6：528，considers it possible that Margrave Dietrich von der Lausitz also took part in the battle. But we only know from an undated document which was probably not written until December 1176 that he was then at the emperor’s court, but that does not permit any conclusion as to his whereabouts in May.
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22.According to the Gesta Friderici in Lombardia, ed. Holder-Egger（Annales Mediolanenses majores: Greater Annals of Milan），the army that had come across the Alps numbered 2，000 men, that is, knights. This number is not to be divided in half, as if only half of the men were knights（Giesebrecht），nor can it be multiplied as if there were naturally additional combatants of lower rank. According to the Gesta Friderici, the emperor himself had led 1，000 knights from Pavia, and according to Gottfried von Viterbo, this number was 500. In addition, there were the men of Como, who hardly numbered more than the 500 men who supposedly were killed or captured（Gesta Friderici and Continuatio Sanblasiana ad Ottonis Frisingensis chronicon[Sanblasianus’Continuation of the Chronicle of Otto of Freysingen]，SS.，20.316）.
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23.The standard source study for Legnano is the previously cited dissertation by Hanow.
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In the Deutsche Literaturzeitung, No. 26（1 July 1905），Güterbock reproached Hanow for not taking into account in his work the Chronicle of Tolosanus. In fact, this work should have been expressly mentioned, but only for the purpose of rejecting it as unimportant. It was written about a generation later and is either erroneous or confusing in all the figures that can be checked on. The other points for which Güterbock reproaches Hanow are either unsubstantiated or obviously false. See the “Entgegnung”（“Reply”）and “Antwort”（“Answer”）in the Deutsche Literaturzeitung, No.31. Also Historische Vierteljahresschrift，1911.
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The account which Köhler，1：69 ff.，gives of the battle is based on uncritical contamination of the various source reports and especially on the completely unreliable Gottfried von Viterbo; much of this is also mere fantasy. Effectively opposed to these descriptions are the remarks of the same author in the note in his 3：3：122. Here it is not the critical scholar of the source documents who is speaking, but the practical, experienced soldier.
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24.The standard study for Cortenuova is the dissertation by Karl Hadank, Berlin，1905. Publisher: Richard Hanow.63 pp.
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25.“ultra decern milia sui exercitus secum trahens … signa direcit victricia”（“taking with him over 10，000 of his own army … he arranged the signals of victory”）.
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26.Annales Placentini Guelfi（The Guelph Annals of Piacenza），M.G.，SS.，18.453. They promise one another help，“militum, peditum et balistariorum”（“of knights, foot soldiers, and crossbowmen”）.
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27.According to the Ghibelline Annals of Piacenza, Piacenza alone had provided 1，000 knights. But if we accepted this figure and also estimated the other allied contingents correspondingly, it would not be understandable why the Lombards so anxiously avoided battle with the emperor. Perhaps those 1，000 men were Piacenza’s total contingent.
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28.The fact that Riccardus di San Germano speaks of 60，000 inhabitants has, of course, no validity as proof.
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29.Annales Parmenses majores（Greater Annals of Parma），M.G.，SS.，18.673：“decern milia militum cum innummerabili populo diversarum gentium”（“10，000 knights with a countless crowd of different nations”）. The events indicate that the “milites” are to be understood not simply as “knights” in the narrower sense, but as combatants.
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Earlier, scholars believed they had still another strength estimate worthy of consideration in the work of Salimbene, who was personally in Parma at the start of the siege, who gives the emperor 37，000 men. But it turns out that this number resulted from an error in reading. Salimbene only says that the emperor’s army was huge, and he cites Chapter 37 of Ezekiel. This “37 Ezekiel” was interpreted as 37，000.M.G.，SS.，37.196.
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Of course, sources that speak of 60，000 men（Schirrmacher，4：441）are not worth repeating.
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30.Collenuccio, from Mainardino of Imola, as cited in Scheffer. Boichorst On the History of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries（Zur Geschichte des XII.und XIII.Jahrhunderts），p.283，describes the camp: “This‘town’was 800 rods long and 600 rods wide, and the rod was of 9 yards; and it had 8 gates and deep, wide ditches all around.”The emperor himself had written to Mainardino: “civitatem（Parmensem）civitatis nostre, que vires obsistentium ab hyemalis temporis quantalibet tempestate tuebitur, nova constructione vel oppressione comprimimus.”（“We are now besieging the city（Parma）by depredation and by the recent construction of our own fortified camp, which will protect the strength of the besiegers from the adverse weather of winter, however great.”）
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31.Arnulph, SS.，8.16.
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32.The source passages concerning the carroccio have been assembled and discussed by Muratori in Antiquitates，2：489. See also Waitz，8：183；San Marte, Zur Waffenkunde, p.323；Köhler，1：185，2：147，190，3：2：344. The opinion that the idea for this originated in the Orient does not seem to me to be proven.
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