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K. von Elgger, Military System and Military Art of the Swiss Confederation in the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Sixteenth Centuries(Kriegswesen und Kriegskunst der schweizerischen Eidgenossen im 14.,15.,und 16. Jahrhundert),1873.
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Johann Häne, On the Defensive and Military Systems in the High Period of the Ancient Confederation(Zum Wehr-und Kriegswesen in der Blütezeit der alten Eidgenossenschaft),Zurich, Schulthess and Co.,1900.
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Hermann Escher,“The Swiss Infantry in the Fifteenth Century and at the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century”(“Das schweizerische Fussvolk im 15. und im Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts”),Part I. Neujahrsblatt der Züricher Feuerwerksgesellschaft,1905.
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2.Blumerj 1:373.
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3.For example, in 1444 Bern demanded that Thun send fifty upright, capable soldiers, whose oath and honor could be trusted, without …,who bring along spear and armor. This according to Elgger, p.118,as taken from the Schweizer Geschichtsforscher,6:354. I prefer to read “rations”(Speise)instead of “spears”(Spiesse).
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In 1389 the Entlebuchers promised that in case Lucerne had to take to the field, they would come to its aid with 600 armed men. Elgger, Kriegswesen, p.38. In noticeable contradiction is the report that in 1513 Lucerne on one occasion had to provide 1,300 men, including 150 from Entlebuch,300 from Willisau, and only 100 from Lucerne itself. Elgger, p.68.
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Quite often there were quarrels over these allocations; for example, in 1448 the small community of Krattigen complained that, of the seven men to be provided by the region, it was to furnish two, since, after all, the community did not have more than twenty or twenty-one farms. For that reason, in 1499 and 1512 a census of all households was ordered. We cannot help wondering that this was not done until then, when we remember at what an early period Ancient Rome had similar statistics. Rodt, p.27.
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4.According to Häne, p.23.
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5.Häne, p.24.
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6.Rodt,1:6.
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7.Minutes of the Council of Bern,22 June 1476:
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To Fribourg, Solothurn, and Biel, that, with respect to the proper conduct of the war, they allow goods for sale in the way of wine, grain, and other goods and necessities to go to the army.
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The same applies to Nidau and Aarberg.
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To my lords in the field, that they see to it that there be no kind of forceful haggling with those who provide you with goods for sale, and that they receive their just payment.
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The decisive action is called for quickly,“for my lords cannot provide supplies for such an army over a long period.”
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Ochsenbein, Documents on the Battle of Murten(Urkunden zur Schlacht von Murten),p. 301.
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8.Escher, p.26,states that in the Zurich archives there is an explanation of the formation of the battle unit, indicating that it was fifty-six men wide and twenty men deep.Consequently, that would be a phalanx rather than a wedge. In a later period, where a unit formed a true square in space rather than a rectangle with an equal number of men in its width and depth, these approximate figures were to be found quite often. But at the time of the old Zurich war, the period to which Escher attributes his explanation, I can hardly imagine that it was applied from a practical viewpoint.
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9.Häne, p.8,concludes from the military games of boys and other indications that maneuvers had actually taken place. I am not convinced of this. In particular, the fact that a knight once threatened that he would teach the soldiers(lansquenets)in such a way that one of them would be worth more than two men of the Confederation is no proof that he had Swiss drills in mind.
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10.Elgger, p.253.
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11.Paulus Jovius, in 1494.
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12.The passages have been assembled by Studer in the Archiv des Historischen Vereins Bern, IV, Book 4,p.36.
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13.Sempach letter of 1394. Blumer, p.374. Kriegsordnung of 1468 and 1490. Rodt, Berner Kriegswesen,1:250,253. Elgger, p.215.
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14.Rodt, Campaigns of Charles the Bold(Feldzüge Karls des Kühnen),1:331.
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15.According to the extract in Häne, p.29.
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16.According to Thüring Frickhart’s Twingherrenstreit, edited by Studer, Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte,1(1877):137.
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