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48.The name “hook firearm” was derived from this hook and survived for a long time, taking the form “haquebutte” in French. This word may also have been influenced by its similarity to “arkebuse”(harquebus). Jähns, however, has surmised that the name “hook firearm” was derived from the hook into which the match was clamped, and this interpretation is actually supported by common sense. The invention of this “hook” represented a much more important step forward than the invention of the recoil hook. The latter, of course, could only be used in a prepared defensive position and in target shooting. The fork did not provide any resistance for the recoil; even a three-legged stand would have been too weak for that.
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49.Sixl, Zeitschrift für historische Waffenkunde,2:334,407,409,on the basis of firing reports from Zurich in 1472,Würzburg in 1474,Eichstädt in 1487,and others. In noteworthy contradiction to these is Guicciardini’s comment that before Pavia in 1525 the entrenched lines of the two sides were only 40 paces apart and the bastions were so close that the harquebus marksmen could have fired on each other. The greater distances in competitive shooting are so extensively confirmed that we cannot doubt them, but even if the paces were taken to be of the smallest possible length, it is still difficult to understand why they wanted to shoot at targets at such distances with the firearms of that period.
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50.Forrer, Zeitschrift für historische Waffenkunde,4:55.
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51.Zeitschrift für historische Waffenkunde,1:316.
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52.Institution de la discipline militaire au Royaume de France, Lyon,1559,Vol.I, Chap.10,p.46. According to Jovius, Charles V suffered heavy losses in Algiers in 1541 because a rainfall extinguished the matches. A similar report appears in Vieilleville, Mémoires, Vol.Ill, Chap.22.
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53.According to the Badminton Archery Book, by Charles Longman. London,1894.
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54.Tielcke, Contributions to the Art of War and History of the War of 1756 to 1763(Beyträge zur Kriegskunst und Geschichte des Krieges von 1756 bis 1763),2:22.
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55.The astonishing accuracy of the present-day Mongolians with the bow and arrow is reported by von Binder in the Militär-Wochenblatt,8(1905):173. For the accomplishments with the bow and arrow in the Middle Ages, see Giraldus Cambrensis, cited in Oman, History of the Art of War, p.559. On the occasion of a siege, Welsh archers reportedly shot their arrows through an oak door 4 inches thick. Giraldus himself claimed to have seen in 1188 the arrows, which had been left in the door as a matter of curiosity. The iron points could just be seen on the interior of the door. An arrow was also reported to have penetrated a knight’s coat of mail, his mail breeches, his thigh, through the wood of his saddle, and deep into the flank of his horse.
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56.Comines, Ed.Mandrot,2:296.
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57.Escher, Neujahrsblatt der Züricher Feuerwerker,1906,p.23.
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58.Ranke, Werke,2:269.
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59.De vita magni Consalvi(On the Life of Gonsalvo the Great),Opere,1578,2:243.
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60.According to the very careful and enlightening study by R. Forrer, Zeitschrift für historische Waffenkunde,4:57.
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61.Jovius, Elogia vir.ill.(Aphorisms of Distinguished Men),Book III.
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62.Martin du Bellay as an eyewitness. Mémoires, Ed.1753,5:296.
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63.See also Martin du Bellay, Mémoires, Ed.1753,Book X,6:35.
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64.“Pistol”(“Pistole”)comes from the Slavic(Bohemian)“pistala”(tube,firing tube). In a Breslau inventory of 1483 are listed 235 “Pis-deallen.” This number indicates that these were hand weapons, but we cannot tell what kind of weapon. Sources for the History of Firearms(Quellen zur Geschichte der Feuerwaffen),published by the Germanic Museum, Leipzig,1877,pp.46,112. The name of the weapon has nothing to do with the word “Pistoja.”
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65.Susane, Histoire de la cavallerie française,1:48.
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66.According to the Quellen zur Geschichte der Feuerwaffen, p.118,a pistol appears in an illustration dated as early as 1531;another pistol, with a wheel lock,“judging from its component parts and form,” is dated “approximately” in the second decade of the sixteenth century.
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3 长枪方阵战术
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1.We might be reminded of the battle of Sellasia, but the sources for that battle are much too uncertain. See Vol.I, p.241.
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2.The Spanish theoreticians of the school of Alba—Valdes, Eguiluz, and Lechuga—favored a shallower formation for the infantry(Jähns,1:729 ff.). At any rate, they preferred the square by space to the square of men, but they also favored an even shallower formation, going as far as a ratio of 1:7. Valdes gives as an example that Alba once formed his 1,200 spearmen, three terzios,60 men wide and 20 men deep.
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Mendoza gives no positive prescription but simply mentions that they had both wider formations and deeper formations. In the Institution de la discipline militaire au Royaume de France, Lyon,1559,p.73,the space square, which has twice as many files as ranks, is prescribed.
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3.The Italian Giovacchino da Coniano, who was a sergeant major in the English service against France in the 1540s, sketched and described a series of thirty-two battle formations. There were supposed to have been even more.(Comment by the editor at the end of the document: “It was entitled Dell’Ordinanze overo battaglie del capitan Giovacchino da Conjano, printed in Book III of the work Delia Fortificatione delle città di Girolamo Maggi e Jacomo Castriotto. Venice,1583,115 ff.)The whole work was already assembled in 1564.(See Maurice I.D. Cockle, A Bibliography of English Military Books Up to 1642 and of Contemporary Foreign Works. London,1900,pp.141,200.)Although the somewhat boastful soldier refers again and again to practical testing of his formations in the face of the enemy, we can probably not lend him too much credence. The accomplishments on the English side before Boulogne at that time did not evoke much respect elsewhere in the world. Nevertheless, it is interesting that the sergeant major was already sketching very shallow formations, with the justification that he had experienced how much better it was to have more weapons in the front line in action simultaneously(Fol.119-720).
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4 佣兵军队的内部建制
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