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3.Bonin, p.170，cites a few passages that indicate that the first sergeant was not to strike with his fist or with staffs, but with the shaft of his halberd. The captain and the lieutenant were supposed “to strike in their command duties with short sticks，” but “not without great reason therefor.”
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4.Bonin, p.21.
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5.Georg Paetel, The Organization of the Hessian Army under Philip the Magnanimous（Die Organisation des hessischen Heeres unter Philipp dem Grossmütigen），1897.
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6.26.Discours. Observations militaires, Ed.1587，p.750.
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7.Paetel, p.231.
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8.Saxon Articles of War of 1546（Sächsische Kriegsartikel von 1546）. Published in the Militär-Wochenblatt, No.157，1909，by G. Berbig.
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9.Eidgenössische Abschiede，3.1.599.
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1700084554
10.When the wars of religion started in 1562，the soldiers on both sides initially conducted themselves very properly. Among the Huguenots no swearing was heard, and no gambling or prostitutes were to be seen. The population was not bothered. But Coligny said at that time to de la Noue: “That will not last two months.” He was completely right. Furthermore, on occasion he took stringent steps and had robbers hanged. De la Noue, Discours 26，Observations militaires, Ed.1587，pp.681-686.
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11.De la Noue treats these fraternal groups thoroughly. Discours 16，Ed.1587，p.352 ff.
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12.Jähns，2：924.
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13.S.C. Gigon, La troisième guerre de religion. Jarnac-Moncontour（1568-1569），p.376.
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14.The Art of Dismounted War（Kriegskunst zu Fuss），pp.20-21.
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15.For example, Georg von Lüneburg had no fewer than 1，200 Poles in his service in 1636.
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16.Archives Oranien-Nassau，2d Series，2：275.
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17.Archives, p.10.
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18.Chemnitz, Swedish War（Schwedischer Krieg），Part IV, Book 2，p.141.
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19.Pufendorf, B.19，Ed.1688，2：320. Apparently from Chemnitz.
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20.Such a convention “de bonne guerre”（“of good war”）was signed by Gonzago and Brissac in 1553. Hardy, Histoire de la tactique française, p.463. Men-at-arms and private soldiers “will suddenly be released，” without having to pay, after they have been “dévalisés”—that is, disarmed and relieved of their possessions.
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21.Kriegskunst zu Fuss, pp.16，22. Jähns，2：1018.
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5 战例介绍
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1.Hobohm，2：518.
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2.This battle is thoroughly treated by Rüstow in History of the Infantry（Geschichte der Infanterie），by Jähns in Manual of a History of Warfare（Handbuch einer Geschichte des Kriegswesens），and by Ranke, History of the Romanic and Germanic Peoples（Geschichte der romanischen und germanischen Völker），Werke，33：25. All these accounts, which differ significantly from one another, need serious correcting. Rüstow based his work too exclusively on Guicciardini, while Ranke and Jähns used as their principal source Coccinius, who can hardly be compared to the better sources. The standard study, based on the sources, is the Berlin dissertation by Erich Siedersleben（1907）. Published by Georg Nauck. His principal sources are a letter written by Fabricius Colonna, who commanded the knights on the Spanish side（printed in Marino Sanuto, Diarii，14：176. Venice，1886），and a report from the Florentine ambassador, Pandolfini, who was present at the battle in the French headquarters（printed in Desjardins, Négociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane，2：581.Paris，1861）.
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3.According to Colonna’s letter.
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4.The Italian survey map indicates that the ditch still exists today but does not extend as close to the Ronco as it did, according to our sources, at the time of the battle in 1512.
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5.I include the 400 lances that were in position at the Ronco bridge under Alègre and intervened in the battle.
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