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27.In the second edition of this work, Basel,1572,the description is somewhat expanded(Book IX, Fol.309),but without adding anything of significance for us. Lancelot Voisin, Sire de la Popelinière, came from Poitou and was a student in Toulouse when the news of the blood bath of Vassy became public. He immediately took command of a Huguenot company of students, was eventually incapacitated as the result of a wound, and thenceforth he took up the pen.
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28.In the account of the battle of Ivry, p.386. Since this battle did not take place until 1590,it is the younger Tavannes who is speaking here.
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29.In the fourth chapter of Book 2 of his Kriegskunst zu Pferde, p.65,Wallhausen describes the execution of the caracole but without using that name. It is also described by Grimmelshausen in Simplizissimus, Ed. Gödecke,1897,Vols.10,11,p.36.
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30.Brantôme, Oeuvres, Edit. Laianne,1864 ff.,4:201. See also 3:376. In Vol.I, pp.339-340,he mentions this example in the same sense and speaks of the battle of Aulneau(1 November 1587)as a parallel.
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31.At the base of this is the Italian “corazza,” which is derived from “corium,”“leather.”
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32.For example, Villar’s Mémoires, L.X.,Ed.1610,p.901;this appears to be for the year 1559,according to a contemporary document.
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33.In the sixteenth century a certain Count Solms(Würdinger,2:371)wrote correctly—but in the final analysis nevertheless falsely:
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When one has as horsemen only wagon servants and peasants who steal their horses from wagons and plows, there will be in the field bad conduct and desertion in battle and campaigns. And even if they do not flee but remain, they are still not sufficiently well mounted and armored, and they have not learned how to fight but they remain peasants on plowhorses and draft horses.Such men should not be brought by a noble to the lord who provides the pay, for the lord relies on their numbers without knowing that he has only a loosely formed, worthless unit.Every knightly man who intends to lead horsemen to a lord should ponder this, for it is a matter of his honor and his welfare. For if he has peasant yokels in his squadron or banneret and finds himself faced by a good, wellequipped unit, what can he expect to accomplish and what poor service he has provided his commander in return for his money.
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34.Erben, Bulletin of the Imperial and Royal Army Museum(Mitteilungen des kaiserlichen und königlichen Heeresmuseums),1902,Articles of War, etc.
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35.Susane, Histoire de la cavallerie française,1:73,gives a somewhat different origin of this armed branch. He does not relate it to firearms but regards as the significant factor only the speed that the infantry in general, both lancers and musketeers, could develop in this way during individual expeditions. Because of the terror that they inspired, these warriors had called themselves dragoons. They were created by the Marquis de Brissac in the Piedmont theater of operations between 1550 and 1560. According to Jovius, Book 44,Pietro Strozzi had already placed 500 selected marksmen(sclopettarii)on horseback in 1543 in order to occupy Guise as quickly as possible. Ludwico Melzo, Regule militari … della cavalleria(Antwerp,1611)understands the dragoons to be mounted marksmen. Jähns,2:1050. Wallhausen has them armed in part with pikes.
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Basta, Book I, Chap. 8,believes the mounted marksman or carabineer was invented in Piedmont. He identifies this type, therefore, with the dragoons. Hugo includes among the dragoons also men armed with spears, who move on horseback but fight on foot. Militia equestri,1630,S.184,Book III, p.4. See Book IV, Chap.5,pp.271-272,concerning their formation in battle, with the pikemen in the middle, marksmen on the right and left, and horses in the rear.
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36.When, for example, the Venetian Soriano, Relazione di Francia,1562,Ed. Albèri, Series I,4:117,says that the king of France had, in addition to his knights, foreign ferraiuoli e cavalli leggieri, the latter principally Albanians and Italians, the difference is that here the cavalla leggieri are the older arm, which does not fight in such close formation whereas the ferraiuoli were grouped in tight squadron formation and at this time,1562,were probably also armed only with the pistol.
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37.Rabutin, Commentaires, Ed. Buchon, p.573,as an eyewitness.
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38.Aloise Contarini, Relazione diFrancia, February 1572,Ed. Albèri, Series I, Vol.IV, pp.232-233.
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39.Ed. Buchon, pp.202-203.
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40.“The formation of the French is with a broad front and weak rear, because everybody wants to take position in the front rank; but the Flemish, increasing the files and enlarging the body, make it stronger and more secure.”Report of Michel Suriano, made on his return from his ambassadorship to Philip II in 1559(Relation de Michel Suriano, faite au retour de son Ambassade auprès de Philippe II en 1559)(In Gachard, Relations des ambassadeurs vénitiens sur Charles-Quint et Philippe II, Brussels,1856,p.116). Popelinière, Histoire des troubles, Livre 9(edition of 1572,p.309):“The reître, because he fights in a completely different way than the French …”
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41.And the worst is that, in the past, they fought in a single line(en haye). These regiments marching in battle formation are separated from one another by the foot troops, the artillery, or other units, and they cannot conveniently be drawn together to form a large unit when the occasion calls for it. And while they might still be in open country, if they should close together, if by chance the king’s lieutenant should not be there to command them, each of them wanting to show his worth, without considering that body of troops—or, so to speak, the mountain of enemies—that is coming to attack them, neither the fear the soldiers can have, who seeing themselves weak and outnumbered, run off, seeking not only to win, but to survive if they face up to these troops where they have a four to one superiority, united, pressed together, and in quantity, as it is said.
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They were to make the companies 80 to 100 men strong, composed of compatriots who were all known to one another, in order to foster cohesiveness. The companies were to be formed in regiments of about 500 men(“hommes d’armes”).
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Cavalry in single line(en haye)is useless; squadrons composed of 400 riders are the best; squadrons of 1,500 and 2,000,as is prescribed for the reîtres, would defeat them if they were dealing only with these 400;and if there were 1,200 in three units, charging one after the other, I would consider them to have the advantage. So many men in close formation only create confusion, and only a fourth of them fight. This large number of soldiers in a squadron is useful for the reîtres, because three-fourths of their men are nothing but villeins. The first troops that charge against these large bodies throw them into disorder, principally striking them on the flank. And even if the body can hold off the first attackers, the second and third squadrons sweep them away and break them up, charging from one end to the other and passing through; after the first two ranks are penetrated, there is little danger from the rest. He who has the larger number of squadrons of 300 and 400 must win the victory. Gaspard de Saulx-Tavannes, Mémoires, Ed. Buchon,1836,p.328 ff.
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42.I find a similar argument in a Venetian account of 1596:
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The reîtres were easily broken up by the lances of the light cavalry.Formerly, when each rank had made its wheel, the reîtres customarily tightened their whole formation and awaited the assault, facing the lances that were coming toward them, and then, widening their formation, they would let them enter among them and would handle them roughly with their pistols and their arms. But now the lances no longer come all together in squadrons but, divided into diverse and small detachments, they assault the squadrons of reîtres from all sides and harass them and throw them back and run through them from one side to the other and break them up with great facility. Tommaseco Contarini, Relazione di Germania,1596. In Relazione degli Ambasc. Veneti.,Ed. Albèri, Series I,6:235.
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43.It was a question in ancient times and among those of the present time whether it was better to go into combat at a trot or to await the enemy in place; it seems that the momentum and the gallop increase the power of the men and horses to mow down the squadrons but it also gives much more opportunity to those who have no desire to be involved in this charge to halt, hold their mounts in place, and separate themselves from the charge, such as new soldiers and those the captain does not trust. It seems that it would be better to have them wait in formation and firmly fixed in place or at least not to take up the trot or gallop before a distance of twenty paces from the enemy, because then those who would fall out would be recognized, and the cowards would be too ashamed to leave their position at the moment of encountering the enemy, being the more easily seen and recognized by their captains, who would force them to be courageous in spite of themselves. Jean Gaspard de Saulx-Tavannes, Mémoires, Ed. Buchon,1836,p.116.
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44.French ordinance of 16 October 1568.“It is likewise ordered that the companies of each regiment of cavalry will march together and in the formation that they are to maintain while fighting, in order that each man will be accustomed to holding his position.”Nothing further was prescribed. H. Choppin, Les Origines de la Cavalerie française, Paris and Nancy,1905,p.22.
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45.Quite similar descriptions and observations are found in the History of the Civil Wars in France(Storia delle guerre civili di Francia),by the Italian Davila, and in the Art of War,“The Difference between Launders and Pistolers,”1590,by the Englishman Roger Williams. They are quoted by C. H. Firth in Cromwell’s Army, p.129.
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46.In the Commentaires, Vol.XI, Chaps.11,12,Ed. Lonmier-Guillaume,2:214-222.
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