1700085160 27.Even the continuous line of the infantry was by no means maintained rigidly by the king; rather, he freed himself in keeping with the circumstances. This point is proven by O.Herrmann for the battles of Prague and Kollin, Brandenburgisch-Preussische Forschungen，26：499 and note on p.513.

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1700085162 28.It was their observation and follow-up of this work in all its details that led the General Staff astray in placing the beginning of the oblique battle formation in this decade and limiting it to the cohesive infantry front. But even in the writings of the General Staff itself this limitation is not strictly adhered to, and the work thereby becomes involved in inner contradictions, in contradictions with King Frederick, and in contradictions with a document written personally by the chief of the Historical Section, von Taysen.

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1700085164 29.Tempelhof describes the approach march as follows：

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1700085166 There was no more beautiful sight. The heads of the columns were constantly abreast of one another and separated from one another by the distance necessary for the deployment; the platoons maintained their intervals as exactly as if they were marching in a review.”

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1700085168 30.As a reason for the echeloned attack, he states that, as a result of this formation, no special command was needed for the left wing to move into the battle. The interval of the individual battalions from one another amounted to fifty paces—that is, not even 1 minute’s march. The forward point of the right wing had a distance of 1，000 paces from the tail of the left wing, or no more than 10 to 15 minutes of marching time.

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1700085170 That it was not the echelons that brought victory was also recognized by Dietrich von Bülow（Jähns，3：2139）. Major Jochim，“The Military Testament of the Great King”（“Das militärische Testament des Grossen Königs”），supplement to the Militär-Wochenblatt, Vol.7，1914，claims, contrary to the General Staff Work, p.26，that the echelons were formed not by battalions but by brigades（five battalions）. He regards the oblique battle formation not as a combat formation at all, but rather as a movement formation, and he decisively rejects the traditional exaggerated estimate of its value. For him, the oblique battle formation was only an “expedient for the open plain with no cover.”According to the “Dispositions for the Battle of Zorndorf，” as printed in the Military Testament of Count Henckel Donnersmarck（Militärischer Nachlass des Grafen Henckel Donnersmarck），2：78，every two battalions together formed one echelon.

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1700085172 31.Letter of 8 August 1745. Generalstabswerk，“Wars of Frederick the Great”（“Kriege Friedrichs des Grossen”），1：24.

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1700085174 32.Kurt Schmidt，“The Activity of the Prussian Free Battalions in the First Two Campaigns of the Seven Years’War”（“Die Tätigkeit der preussischen Freibataillone in den beiden ersten Feldzügen des siebenjährigen Krieges”），Berlin dissertation，1911. Erwin Dette, op.cit.，p.78 ff. On Hardt’s successes in 1759，see Generalstabswerk，10：124.

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1700085176 33.Militär-Wochenblatt，62（1895）：1602；73（1899）：1832. The French ambassador Valory wrote in his report for 1748 concerning the Prussian cavalry at the time of the death of Frederick William I, Brandenburgisch-Preussische Forschungen，7：308：

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1700085178 The horses are accustomed to the fire, and the rider dismounts from his horse, leaving the bridle on his neck, and he places himself at the head of the squadron in order to fire by rank of platoons and of battalions like the infantryman, and no horse moves from his place. I have seen entire half-squadrons double their ranks fleeing from the horses’heels.

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1700085180 34.von Canitz, Information and Observations on the Fates of the Mounted Forces（Nachrichte und Betrachtungen über die Schicksale der Reiterei），p.7.

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1700085182 35.According to Desbrière and Sautai, Organisation et tactique des trois armes, Paris，1906.

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1700085184 36.Writings（Schriften），2：176.

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1700085186 37.Kavalleristische Monatshefte，1908，p.908，“On the Details and Results of Mounted Clashes”（“Ueber Verlauf and Ergebnis von Reiterzusammenstössen”）.

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1700085188 5　战略

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1700085190 1.It will be worth the trouble to note that, hand in hand with the new period of strategy, there also appeared the use of an aid that became increasingly important with the passage of time, the use of maps.Jovius relates that before the battle of Marignano in 1515 there were laid out for the Swiss leaders in the castle of Milan parchment sheets on which were drawn the roads and adjoining areas.“Membranae in medium prolatae, quibus mensurae itinerum et regionis situs pictura describebantur, ut agreste ingenio homines certius deliberata cognoscerent.”（“Parchments were published, on which the distances of the routes and a picture of the structure of the region were drawn, so that even men with untrained ability might know the plans more definitely.”）It is noteworthy that in this way attempts were made to assist the peasants’lack of education.

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1700085192 2.Jähns，2：1151.

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1700085194 3.“He who has the last piece of bread and the last crown is victorious.”Gaspard（Jean）de Saulx-Tavannes, Mémoires, Ed. Buchon，1836.p.226. Mendoza, p.11：“Consequently, it is customarily said that the last crown or penny holds the victory.”

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1700085196 When Frederick planned to begin the war in 1756，he estimated that each campaign would cost him 5 million talers and that Prussia together with Saxony, which he planned to conquer, could afford that. The expenses increased, however, to 15 million talers annually, and he had to request English subsidies. Maria Theresa waged war essentially with French subsidies, but in 1761 she had used up her resources so completely that even during the continuing war she reduced the army and discharged troops for reasons of economy.

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1700085198 4.These passages are to be found in “Frederick the Great’s Ideas on War”（“Friedrichs des Grossen Anschauungen vom Kriege”），Vol.27 of the Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften, p.268.

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1700085200 5.Jochim，“The Military Testament of the Great King”（“Das militärische Testament des Grossen Königs”），supplement to the Militär-Wochenblatt，1914，pp.269，278.

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1700085202 6.Lenz, Historische Zeitschrift，49：458.

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1700085204 7.Schmalkaldic War（Schmalkaldischer Krieg），German edition，1853，p.90.

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1700085206 8.Even before the start of the Schmalkaldic War, the Venetian ambassador reported that the emperor would not fight any battle. In this connection he noted:“… Protestants do not have captains … the German nation alone is not suitable to do battle on its own with determination, and the emperor will avoid that but will probe and encircle the enemy army with his light cavalry, and with the Italian infantry（which is experienced in the business of war）he will attempt to drive them back, wear them out, and annihilate them.”Bern.Navagero, Report from Germany of July 1546（Relation aus Deutschland vom Juli 1546），Ed. Albèri, Series 1，1：362.

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1700085208 9.Viktor Löwe, The Organization and Administration of Wallenstein’s Armies（Die Organisation und Verwaltung der Wallensteinschen Heere），1895. Reviewed by Schrötter in Schmollers Jahrbücher，1895，Vol.19，Book 4，p.327. Konze，“The Strengths etc.of Wallenstein’s Army in 1633”（“Die Stärke usw der Wallensteinschen Armee im Jahre 1633”），Bonn dissertation，1906. Hoeniger，“The Armies of the Thirty Years’War”（“Die Armeen des 30jährigen Krieges”），supplement to the Militär-Wochenblatt，1914，Vol.7，claims that at the climax of the war, when Gustavus Adolphus and Wallenstein stood facing one another, on both sides together there was a total of between 260，000 and 280，000 men under arms. That estimate is certainly somewhat high. Hoeniger gave too high a strength to the armies, especially at Nuremberg.

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