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3.When Caesar moved out on the following day and initially took the route back toward Ilerda, the Pompeian soldiers naturally believed that a lack of provisions was forcing the enemy to retire. This does not contradict the sentence above, however.
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8 希腊战役
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1.Perhaps even a few more.Gröbe, in Drumann’s Roman History（Römische Geschichte），2d ed.，3：710.
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2.28 November 49 B.C, according to Stoffel；5 November, according to Mommsen.
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3.These observations and the confirmation of these points had already been made by a commission sent out by Napoleon III in 1861 in a work published by L. Heuzay, Julius Caesar’s Military Operations, studied on the Terrain by the Macedonian Commission（Les operations militaires de Jules Cesar，étudiees sur le terrain par la mission de Macédoine）（Paris，1886），which was confirmed by Stoffel in Life of Caesar（Vie de Cesar）1：138.
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4.Domaszewski, in Armies of the Civil Wars（Heere der Bürgerkriege）pp.171-172，considers it impossible for legions to have come from Italy to Illyria, since the Pompeians controlled the sea. This reason is not convincing, since the land route was open.
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5.Up to the present this point has probably not been sufficiently emphasized. Ranke, in his World History（Weltgeschichte），even states the opinion that we have descriptions of the battle of Pharsalus that stem from supporters of the Senate and of Pompey. Such is the case only to the extent that Livy wrote from the Pompeian point of view and Lucanus, particularly, presented the civil war with this bias. But these two were already significantly dependent on written sources, and since, despite their bias, they have practically nothing that does not go back to either Caesar or Pollio, that is a sure proof that a truly Pompeian original source containing unique information either did not exist or had already disappeared at that time. Lucanus apparently did do his best to find such a source but it is downright astonishing how little of a positive nature his work contains which would not be known from other sources. Plathner, in On the Credibility of the History of the Civil War（Zur Glaubwürdigkeit der Geschichte des Bürgerkrieges）（Bernburg Pro-gramm，1882），has compiled these points very well and has shown that Lucanus used Livy as a source. And so the two of them were able to express their sympathy for Pompey’s cause only through the material handed down from the enemy side.
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6.Appian and Dio Cassius write of important defeats suffered, in turn, by these detached corps. These reports probably have to stem from Asinius Pollio, but if they were true, there would have had to be in some way or other more significant consequences. We must therefore prefer Caesar’s report; Pollio must have been taken in by the exaggerated accounts of persons who took part in those battles.
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7.Plutarch, Caesar, Chapter 43.
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8.That is the sense of Bell. Civ.84.2 and 85.1.
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9 法萨卢斯会战 无
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10 内战末期诸战役 无
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11 战 象
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1.Polybius 3.14.
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2.Livy 25.41.
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3.Sallust, Jugurtha, Chapter 53.
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4.According to the observation by Fröhlich in The Significance of the Second Punic War（Die Bedeutung des zweiten punischen Krieges），p.20.
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5.Valerius Maximus 9.3. Appian, Iberia, Chapter 46.
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6.Orosius 5.13. Florus 1.37.
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7.Schubert, in Pyrrhus, p.222，calls attention to the fact that in the account of Pyrrhus’campaign in Sicily, which goes back to Timaeus, hardly any mention is made of the elephants.
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8.J.Chr.D. Schreber, in The Mammals（Die Saugetiere）（Erlangen，1775），1：245，which is still today the authoritative work on descriptive zoology, strongly emphasizes this point and says that the elephant is even sensitive to the bite of a fly. In Volume 6 of the same work, by J.A. Wagner（1835），p.265，it is recounted how the javelins of hunters remain imbedded in the body and gradually kill the elephant. Baker, in The Albert Nyanza，1：284，tells how skilled hunters can kill an elephant directly by a stab with a spear from below.
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9.Appian, Iberia, Chapter 46.
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12 结论
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1.Frontinus，4.7.1. Similarly, Bell. Afric, Chapter 31.
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2.Vom Kriege, Book 7，Chapter 16.
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