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This line of thought is too specifically juridical. The dubbing, as such, did not have, it is true, a directly legal effect, but only as the result of such an act could the distinction become fixed which finally led to the formation of the petty nobility.
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15.M.G.LL,2.103.10:“Si miles adversus militem pro pace violate aut aliqua capitali causa duellum committere voluerit, facultas pugnandi ei non concedatur, nisi probare possit, quod antiquitus ipse cum parentibus suis natione legitimus miles existat.”(“If a knight will have wanted to fight a duel against a knight because of a breached peace or any capital offense, the opportunity of fighting should not be granted to him unless he should be able to show that from ancient times he with his parents is by birth a knight of legal status.”)
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16.The Bamberg Service Law, at the end of the eleventh century, specifies that a ministerial whom the bishop does not invest with a fief may enter the service of another but may not allow himself to be bound by a fief “cui vult militet, non beneficiarie, sed libere.”(“Let him serve for whom he desires, not as a man enfeoffed but as a freeman.”)Such a provision already indicates an extensive weakening of the concept of the unfree condition.
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17.The finer distinctions and developments in the various generations and regions are passed over here. Zallinger, in Ministeriales and Knights(Ministeriales und Milites),1878,believes, for example, he has proven that in the regions under the Bavarian law the ministeriales or serving men(Dienstmannen)had in the thirteenth century assumed a special position clearly above the common milites and no longer regarded the latter as of equal birth. Only the monarchy and the princes were allowed to have such outstanding, though unfree, serving men(Dienstmannen). This latter group later became completely intermingled with the free nobility in the status of lords or property holders.
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18.For example, by Guilhiermoz. Against him, E. Mayer, in Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanische Abteilung,23(1902):310. In connection with this controversy, I invite the reader’s attention to Chap.435 of the statutes of the Knights Templars: “One does not ask a knight if he is servant or slave of no man, for since he says that he is a knight by birth, of a legal marriage, if he is truthful, he is by his very nature free.”In Germany this condition could not have been met.
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19.Even if it should be correct, as Böheim in Manual of Weapons(Handbuch der Waffenkunde),p.12,claims, that around the year 1400 there took place a lightening of the protective equipment, nevertheless that would only have been a momentary trough in the constantly rising tide. But the fact itself is doubtful and in any case not yet fully established. Böheim himself says shortly thereafter, p.14,that at the start of the fifteenth century the protective arms were strengthened.
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20.Baltzer is quite correct about this, on p.52 ff. If in the meantime an enumeration by helmets(galea)also appears, that follows the same direction as the general development but does not directly bring it on. The account mentioned by Baltzer on p.56,to the effect that knights, in order to fight more easily, had taken off their armor, is explained correctly by Köhler as being not for the purpose of fighting but for the pursuit. Even so, I would prefer to regard this account not as a historic fact, but as “trimming.”The first use of “dextrariis coopertis”(“covered war-horses”)was found by Köhler(3.2.44)in the year 1238.
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21.Giraldus Cambrensis, Expugnatio Hibernica(The Conquest of Ireland),Opera 5.395.“Cum ilia nimirum armatura multiplici sellisque recurvis et altis difficile descenditur, difficilius ascenditur, difficillime cum opus est pedibus itur.”(“Certainly with that multiple armor and a high curved saddle it was difficult to dismount, more difficult to mount, and most difficult to go on foot when necessary.”)The author died about 1220.
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22.Köhler,3.2.81. From the statutes of the knightly orders it is clear that, wherever it is a question of knights with several horses “equitaturis”),this means those horses which the knight himself rides—just as, today, the cavalry officer has several mounts—and not, for example, those horses which he provides for his followers. See Curzon, La règie du temple, Chap.77,p.94. Statutes of the Knights Hospitalers, Chaps.59 and 60;in Prutz, Cultural History of the Crusades(Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge),p.601. Statutes of the Teutonic Knights, Perlbach, p.98.
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23.Baltzer, p.59. According to Köhler,3.2.77,Viollet-le-Duc is said to have claimed that protective covering was not placed on knights’steeds until the end of the thirteenth century.
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24.Waitz,8:123,says correctly: “Of course, there was never a complete lack of foot soldiers, only that they were employed mostly in defensive situations … or in a war where everybody who could bear arms was used, whereas they participated only exceptionally in army expeditions.”
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25.Ennen and Eckertz, Sources for the History of the City of Cologne(Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln),4.488.560.
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26.Roth, Dignity of the Knight(Ritterwürde),p.98. Suger, too, in the description of the battle of Brémule in 1119,uses the expression that King Henry “milites armatos ut fortius committant, pedites deponit.”(“He placed the foot soldiers in reserve so that the armored knights might engage more bravely.”)The Gesta Francorum(Deeds of the Franks),Chap.6,on the battle of Dorylaeum in 1097:“Pedites prudenter et citius extendunt tentoria, milites eunt viriliter obviam iis.”(“The foot soldiers skillfully and rather quickly cocked their crossbows and the knights courageously attacked them”[the Turks]). Fulcher, p.393:“milites sciebant effici pedites.”(“The knights knew how to become dismounted combatants”),(1098). Likewise, in the report on the battle of Ascalon in 1099
:“quinque milia militum et quindecim milia peditum”(“5,000 knights and 15,000 foot”). Gervasius Dorobernesis, Chronica de rebus anglicis(Gervasius of Canterbury, Chronicles of English History)for the year 1138
:“milites et pedites”(“knights and foot troops”). Also Gesta Consulum Andegavensium(Deeds of the Counts of Anjou),Recueil des Histoires des Gaules(Collection of Histories of the Gauls),11.265. Pope Innocent IV to Cardinal Reiner in 1243(Huill. Bréholles,6.131):“cum pro defensione civitatis militia minus necessaria videatur, pedites autem utiliores esse noscantur.”(“Whereas a band of knights is less necessary for the defense of a city, foot soldiers are known, however, to be more useful.”)
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27.Zallinger, Ministeriales und Milites, p.4:“The expression miles is used in the original sources in the most varied senses and serves alternatively in the course of time as the normal indication of individual knightly classes, according to whether the importance of the knightly way of life or of knightly birth might appear as particularly characteristic or determining for a class. Thus, it is frequently found in an earlier period with the sense of a free vassal, whereas later it is used predominantly for the unfree knight. Furthermore, by miles is meant particularly the man who has already been knighted, in contrast to the squire who is simply of knightly birth.”
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Waitz,5:436,gives a series of citations from which it can be concluded that in the older period the ministeriales and the unfree warriors in general, as well as the free ones, were designated as milites. He then continues: “The royal chancellery distinguishes between miles and serviens,” but he does not touch on the decisive question as to how long this distinction had been in effect, whether any contrary examples are to be found, and on how broad a basis or how long this usage was also observed in the chronicles.
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Köhler, Vol.I, Section IX, claims that in Spain and Italy the light horsemen also were called milites over an extended period, whereas in France and Germany from the twelfth century on the expression miles had the exclusive meaning of knight.
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Fulcher, Historia Hierosolymitana(History of the Jerusalem Campaign),2:31(Mignet. 155,p.886),recounts concerning the battle of Ramleh: “Milites nostri erant quingenti exceptis illis qui militari nomine non censebantur tamen equitantes. Pedites vero nostri non amplius quam duo milia aestimabantur.”(“Our knights were 500,except those who were not counted of knightly rank but ride horses. Our foot in fact was estimated at not more than 2,000.”)
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Frederick II had promised the pope to maintain 1,000 milites in Palestine for two years at his own expense, and he sent Hermann von Salza, the grand master, to Germany to recruit them. In his letter of 6 December 1227 appears: “Misimus magistrum domus Theutonicorum pro militibus solidandis, sed in optione sua potentem, viros eligere strenuous et pro meritis personarum ad suam prudentiam stipendia polliceri.”(“We sent the master of the house of the Germans to hire knights, but having the power in his choice to select strong men and to promise pay at his discretion according to the merits of the individuals”)It is difficult to imagine that Hermann, in carrying out this mission, limited himself strictly to men who had already been knighted or that he knighted the recruits who had not yet been so elevated. Rather, it must be assumed that he took, even for heavy mounted service, qualified soldiers. The word miles, therefore, is not to be taken here in its strictest sense.
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28.The quotations are in Waitz,5:400,Note 5.
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Guilhiermoz, p. 429,Note 41 says: “We know that in the Merovingian and Carolingian periods the high officers of the palace, including those who had the most unwarlike responsibilities, were given military commands in time of war,” and he presents evidence thereof. It is more correct to express this idea, as we have done, in the opposite way: not that possessors of peacetime positions received military command positions, but that warriors were placed even in the most peace-oriented posts, except those held by ecclesiastics.
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29.Gustav Roethe, German Heroes(Deutsches Heldentum),address given in Berlin,1906. G. Schade, publisher.
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30.Köhler,3.2.123,seems to me to present this correctly.
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31.Köhler,3:91,speaks of an order of Louis IX prohibiting the squire(écuyer)from wearing body armor, hood, or arm bands. For this point, he relies on Daniel, Milice française,1:394,where nothing of this sort is to be found. It appears that he meant the passage in Vol.I, p.286,where Daniel, on the basis of a treatment by Ducange, cites a ceremonial tourney from the period of Louis IX, wherein the squires were supposed to wear no trousers of mail, no covering of mail over the bacinet, and no “bracheres”(I believe that by this word he means brassards or sleeves of mail.)—Consequently, this has to do only with tournaments. In war, the idea of decreasing artificially the effectiveness of the armor because of class jealousy would simply appear to be too absurd.
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Köhler,3.2.67,is also in error when he concludes(citing Niedner and Alwin Schulz),from the Partenopter of Konrad of Würzburg, v.5225 ff.,that the squire was not allowed to wear the sword on a sword belt, but like a merchant on his saddle, since his lady had begged him not to buckle it on: “ê sie, daz viel reine wîp ze ritter in gemachete”(“before she, the very pure lady, made him a knight”).
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32.Chronicon Hanoniese(Chronicle of Hainaut),M.G.,21.552,says of a count of Hainaut that he joined the king of France “cum 110 militibus electis et 80 servientibus equitibus loricatis in propriis expensis venit et ibi et in reditu in propriis expensis semper fuit.”(“He came there with 110 selected knights and eighty sergeants as armored horsemen at his own expense and on his return it was always at his own expense.”)
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