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38.According to Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l’origine de la noblesse française, p.372. As a precursor of this formula, Guilhiermoz cites a letter from Pope Zacharias in the year 747 to the mayor of the palace and later king, Pepin, in which he says: “Laymen and warriors have as their calling the defense of the land, priests the giving of counsel and praying.”The pope does not mention the people, the common mass, at all. They form, in the sources of that day, the unwarlike, unarmed species(“imbelle, inerme vulgus”),which the warriors are to protect like cattle from the wolves.
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39.Rust,“The Training of the Knight in the Old French Epic”(“Die Erziehung des Ritters in der altfranzösischen Epik”),Berlin dissertaion,1888,adds nothing new.
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40.Eodem anno(1178)rex Angliae pater transfretavit de Normannia in Angliam,&apud Wodestocke fecit Gaufridum filium suum, Comitem Britanniae, militem: qui statim post susceptionem militaris officii transfretavit de Anglia in Normanniam, et in confinibus Franciae&Normanniae militaribus exercitiis operam praestans gaudebat se bonis militibus aequiparari. Et eo magis ac magis probitatis suae gloriam quaesivit, quo fratres suos, Henricum videlicet regem,&Richardum Comitem Pictavis in armis militaribus plus fiorere cognovit. Et erat his mens una, videlicet, plus caeteris posse in armis: scientes, quod ars bellandi, si non praeluditur, cum fuerit necessaria non habetur. Nec potest athlete magnos spiritus ad certamen afferre, qui nunquam suggilatus est. Ille qui sanguinem suum vidit; cuius denies crepuerunt sub pugno; ille qui supplantatus aduersarium toto tulit corpore, nec proiecit animum proiectus; qui quotiens cecidit, contumacior surrexit, cum magna spe descendit ad pugnam. Multum enim adiicit sibi virtus lacessita; fugitiva gloria est mens subiecta terrori. Sine culpa vincitur oneris immensitate, qui ad portandam sarcinam etsi impar, tamen devotus occurrit. Bene solvuntur sudoris praemia, ubi sunt templa Victoriae.
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Hoveden, ed. Stubbs,2:166. According to Stubbs, the maxims are all from Seneca.
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41.See Rabanus Maurus below in the chapter “Theory,”Book IV.
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42.The preceding citations are from von Wedel, Deutschlands Ritterschaft, and Alwin Schultz, The Courtly Life(Das höfische Leben),1:170.
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43.Cited in Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l’origine de la noblesse française, p.433,Note 60.
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44.Roth von Schreckenstein, The Knightly Dignity and the Knightly Class(Ritterwürde und Ritterstand),p.167,as taken from Ennodius.
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45.Nithard,3:6.
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46.Alwin Schultz, Das höfische Leben,2:108.
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47.There are two thorough and fruitful source studies on tour-naments: F. Niedner, The German Tournament in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries(Das deutsche Turnier im 12.und 13.Jahrhundert),Berlin,1881,and Becker, Armed Games(Waffenspiele),Düren Program,1887.
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48.24 July 1230.Huill. Bréholles,3:202. Only fragments of this document have survived.
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49.Konstanzer Chronik. Mone, Collected Sources(Quelle-nsammlung),1:310.
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50.Roth von Schreckenstein, Ritterstand, p.661.
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51.Rahewin, III, Chap.19.
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52.Otto Morena, p.622.1160 on the Adda. In 1161,before Milan, the duke of Bohemia and the landgrave of Thuringia on one occasion refused obedience to the emperor and left him to move alone into battle.
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53.Cited in Guilhiermoz, p.358.
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54.In the Templars’statutes it was expressly forbidden for a knight to strike servants who were in service through piety(Chap.51). It was permissible to strike a slave(esclaf)with one’s stirrup leather when it was deserved, but it was forbidden to injure or maim him or place him in neck irons without higher authority(Chap.336).
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55.According to Rahewin, Book III. See Eisner, The Army Regulations of Frederick I of the Year 1158(Das Heergesetz Friedrichs I.vom Jahre 1158),Program of the Matthias Gymnasium in Breslau,1882.
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56.Hälschner, Prussian Punitive Law(Preussisches Strafrecht),3:212.
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57.Continuatio Reginonis(Continuation of Regino)for the year 920:“Multi enim illis temporibus, etiam nobiles, latrociniis insudabant.”(“In those times many in fact, even the nobles, engaged in robbery.”)Further citations are to be found in Baldamus, The Military System under the later Carolingians(Das Heerwesen unter den späteren Karolingern),p.18 ff.
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58.See my review of this book in the Zeitschrift für Preussische Geschichte und Landeskunde,17:702.
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59.M.G. SS.,222.
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60.From this account it can also be seen how transitory and uncertain the meaning of the word “miles” still was at that time. In the first instance, where it is a question of the bishop’s contenting himself with a few “militibus”,it is obvious that “knights” are meant. Later, where the author wants to distinguish between knights and the common levy of troops conducting the siege, he calls the former “armati”—“heavily armed ones”—and the latter “milites gregarii.”Since they were often more than 1,000 strong, it is impossible that they could all have been professional warriors. Apparently, the bishop had his own military organization reinforced by the militia(Landsturm),the most useful peasants and peasants’sons. The same situation has already been reported to us, in fact, concerning the Burgundian King Gundobad and the king of the Goths, Totila(Vol.II, p.391).
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2 骑士制度的军事特征
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