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41.See Rabanus Maurus below in the chapter “Theory，”Book IV.
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42.The preceding citations are from von Wedel, Deutschlands Ritterschaft, and Alwin Schultz, The Courtly Life（Das höfische Leben），1：170.
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43.Cited in Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l’origine de la noblesse française, p.433，Note 60.
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44.Roth von Schreckenstein, The Knightly Dignity and the Knightly Class（Ritterwürde und Ritterstand），p.167，as taken from Ennodius.
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45.Nithard，3：6.
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46.Alwin Schultz, Das höfische Leben，2：108.
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47.There are two thorough and fruitful source studies on tour-naments: F. Niedner, The German Tournament in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries（Das deutsche Turnier im 12.und 13.Jahrhundert），Berlin，1881，and Becker, Armed Games（Waffenspiele），Düren Program，1887.
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48.24 July 1230.Huill. Bréholles，3：202. Only fragments of this document have survived.
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49.Konstanzer Chronik. Mone, Collected Sources（Quelle-nsammlung），1：310.
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50.Roth von Schreckenstein, Ritterstand, p.661.
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51.Rahewin, III, Chap.19.
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52.Otto Morena, p.622.1160 on the Adda. In 1161，before Milan, the duke of Bohemia and the landgrave of Thuringia on one occasion refused obedience to the emperor and left him to move alone into battle.
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53.Cited in Guilhiermoz, p.358.
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54.In the Templars’statutes it was expressly forbidden for a knight to strike servants who were in service through piety（Chap.51）. It was permissible to strike a slave（esclaf）with one’s stirrup leather when it was deserved, but it was forbidden to injure or maim him or place him in neck irons without higher authority（Chap.336）.
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55.According to Rahewin, Book III. See Eisner, The Army Regulations of Frederick I of the Year 1158（Das Heergesetz Friedrichs I.vom Jahre 1158），Program of the Matthias Gymnasium in Breslau，1882.
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56.Hälschner, Prussian Punitive Law（Preussisches Strafrecht），3：212.
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57.Continuatio Reginonis（Continuation of Regino）for the year 920：“Multi enim illis temporibus, etiam nobiles, latrociniis insudabant.”（“In those times many in fact, even the nobles, engaged in robbery.”）Further citations are to be found in Baldamus, The Military System under the later Carolingians（Das Heerwesen unter den späteren Karolingern），p.18 ff.
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58.See my review of this book in the Zeitschrift für Preussische Geschichte und Landeskunde，17：702.
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59.M.G. SS.，222.
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60.From this account it can also be seen how transitory and uncertain the meaning of the word “miles” still was at that time. In the first instance, where it is a question of the bishop’s contenting himself with a few “militibus”，it is obvious that “knights” are meant. Later, where the author wants to distinguish between knights and the common levy of troops conducting the siege, he calls the former “armati”—“heavily armed ones”—and the latter “milites gregarii.”Since they were often more than 1，000 strong, it is impossible that they could all have been professional warriors. Apparently, the bishop had his own military organization reinforced by the militia（Landsturm），the most useful peasants and peasants’sons. The same situation has already been reported to us, in fact, concerning the Burgundian King Gundobad and the king of the Goths, Totila（Vol.II, p.391）.
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2 骑士制度的军事特征
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1.Bell.Hispan.，Chap.15.
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2.This is what the count of Artois called out before the battle of Courtrai（1302）（Spiegel historial, IV, Chap.25）：
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Thus spoke Artois quite haughtily:
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I am glad that they are formed thus；
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