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革命军中不乏勇敢聪敏之辈，而波拿巴将军独居其上的根源不仅在于卓越的军事才能，政治意识也同样重要。唯有高明的政治手段才让他得以实现宏大的战略构想，因为他懂得在军事胜利后要用政略收尾，而且要在胜仗引发的反弹毁掉既有成果之前。拿破仑在好友宾馆会战当日没有预见到普军的回归，从逻辑上看，我们可以认为他犯了一个令人费解的错误。但这恰恰体现了他的豪气。假如他预计普军会抵达，那么他面对令人气滞的优势兵力就根本不会接受会战，而会落得1870年巴赞一样的下场；后者从一开始就不抱有取胜的希望，最后只得不经一战就投降。在威灵顿、格奈泽瑙指挥的占据压倒性数量优势的敌军面前，就连拿破仑也不可能取胜。但他差点就取得了胜利，最后败也没有败得耻辱，而是败得光荣，这一点不仅为他本人带来了令人难忘的辉煌，也为法国人民留下一个精神力量的源泉，让他们能够一次又一次地开辟新生。
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从文艺复兴到旧制度灭亡之间不断涌现出了一系列优秀军人和卓越统帅。但在这段时期的前半段，他们还配不上“大战略家”的称呼。尽管我们见到过大战，但格局还是不够大；或者换一种更好的说法：从整体关系来看，军事仍然主要是政治背景下的个人武功，而非战略的本质，也就是政治与军事行动的统一体。
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完整意义上的大战略家起于古斯塔夫·阿道夫。在瓦伦斯坦身上，政治家与组织者的角色要大于战略家的角色。在后人的记忆中，萨伏伊公子欧根与马尔伯勒盖过了古斯塔夫一脉的伟大统帅，包括克伦威尔和路易十四帐下的一系列法国大帅。这个时代的顶点和终点是腓特烈大帝。他长期被视为拿破仑的先驱者，具有特殊的地位。我们现在已经看到这一观念是错误的，也做了驳斥。腓特烈不是先驱者，而是将一个时代带向高峰和终结的人。只是通过克劳塞维茨结合政治对“战略”这个概念给出的深入哲学思考，以及对将道本质的连带心理学分析，我们才充分理解了两位大军事家的异同。克劳塞维茨明白自己的反思会得出这样的结果，却没能完成。他在一份写于1827年7月10日并被放在传世之作《战争论》开头的“报告”中，他考虑要从“两种战争艺术”的角度出发重写一篇新作，一种战争艺术“以消灭敌人为目的”，另一种则“只打算征服边境上的几处地盘”。两者“性质完全不同”，永远必须要分离开。1831年，克劳塞维茨去世，没来得及着手这项工作。本作的目的之一就是填补他留下的空白。
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随着克劳塞维茨的著作在作者于1831年去世后面世，战争艺术史的拿破仑时代也走向了终结。就毛奇的思想以克劳塞维茨著作为基础而言，新时代是由拿破仑时代引出的。新时代的内容是由新技术界定的，不仅是新式武器，更有交通运输和种种生活资料，从铁路电报再到19世纪增长到无可限量的食物。
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本书就此作结。之后的事情——包括普鲁士的迅猛崛起和最终的崩溃——就留待后人了。
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战争艺术史 注释
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第一篇 文艺复兴时期的军事状况
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1 欧洲现代步兵的建立
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1.The standard monograph is “The Battle of Guinegate”（“Die Schlacht bei Guinegate”）by Ernst Richert. Berlin dissertation，1907.
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2.Dadizeele, Mémoires, ed. Kerwyn de Lettenhove, p.19. According to Comines, there were 200 noblemen.
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3.All the earlier works and studies on the lansquenets have been superseded by the book by Martin Nell, The Lansquenets, Origin of the First German Infantry（Die Landsknechte, Entstehung der ersten deutschen Infanterie），Berlin，1914. This work is exemplary in its penetrating study and perspicacious critique. The first part was published as a Berlin dissertation. The author, who was justified in having the finest hopes for the future and looked on life with youthful trust, fell on the field of honor in France in 1914.
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Erben, Historische Zeitschrift，116：48，had a few reservations concerning Nell’s conclusions, which we can agree with, but they do not eliminate anything of importance.
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4.In the first seven documents in which the name appears, Nell found that it was written twice as “Lanzknechte，” twice in the Swiss minutes in 1486 as “landtsknechte，” and three times as “lantknechte.”
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5.Lilienkron，2：362，20.
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6.Hobohm treats this more thoroughly in Machiavellis Renaissance der Kriegskunst，2：394，with the references at 2：405. I cannot agree with Nell’s interpretation.
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7.Hobohm，2：426 ff.，basing his opinion on Jovius, has expressed the belief that the Swiss spear was initially only 10 feet long and was gradually lengthened to 17 or 18 feet as the squares of spearmen fought against one another. Nell, p.158，observed that the lengthening of the spear must therefore have started in 1483. Presumably the spears never had a “normal” length but had always been of greatly varying lengths.
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8.“Studies on the Long Spear”（“Studien über den Langen Spiess”），Zeitschrift für historische Waffenkunde，4（1908）：301.
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9.Böheim, in the Zeitschrift für historische Waffenkunde，1：62.
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10.The work appeared in Venice as early as 1496. I am using the version reprinted in Eccard, Corpus Historicum, II，1612. I do not wish to present the above translation as completely confirmed. The expressions used by the author are not absolutely clear, even though he was an eyewitness. An Italian translation（Venice，1549）does not shed any more light on the matter. Jähns，1：727，has interpreted this not as a wheeling movement but a caracole. Because of these uncertainties, I quote the original text here：
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Ab his phalanx una peditum Germanorum erat, quae omnium oculos in se convertebat, quadratae figurae, quae VI M.peditum continebat, Georgio Petroplanensi Duce integerrimo, in equo eminente. In ea acie tympanorum multitudo audiebatur germanico more, quibus aures rumpebantur; hi pectore tan-tum armato incedebant per ordines primo a posteriore parvo intervallo. Primi longiores lanceas in humeris ferebant, infesto mucrone sequentes lanceas erectiores portabant post hos bipennibus et securibus armati; ab his signiferi erant, ad quorum inclinationem agmen totum ac si una rate veherentur, in dextrum, laevum, retro regrediuntur; a tergo pilularii dicti parvorum tormentorum; hos a laeva et sinistra scorpionum Magistri sive manubalistarii sequuntur. Hi in conspectu Beatricis Ducis quadratum agmen uno signo in cuneum subito commutavere, paulo post in alas sese divisere: demum in rotundum altera tantum parte levi motu, altera cursim movebant, prima parte circumacta, postrema immota, ita ut unum corpus esse videretur.
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11.Jahrbücher für Schweizer Geschichte，6：263. Basin: “Surrogavit enim in eorum locum alios pedites, quos appellabant halbardurios, qui similibus armis induti ut franci sagittarii, loco arcuum contos longos ferratos, quos Flamingi piken appellant, aut latas quasdam secures, secundum Alemannorum peditum ritum, deferebant”（“For he put other infantry in their place, whom they call halberdiers. These, similarly equipped to French archers, carried instead of bows long iron-tipped poles, which the Flemish call pikes, or broad axes following the custom of German infantry.”）
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12.Hobohm，2：329，345.
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13.According to Spont, Revue des Questions Historiques，1899，p.60.
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