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像伍德切斯特这样的庄园的荣光愈加让人感伤,因为我们知道这种荣光在若干年之后就走到了尽头。在半个世纪之内,不列颠就不再是罗马帝国的一部分了。罗马的帝国政府在410年之后撤出,那种在4世纪由国家创制的鲜明的阶层区分随着“后帝国”的不列颠社会迅速且粗暴的平均化而消失了。[102] 在欧洲大陆,5世纪蛮族入侵带来的帝国权威的危机,以一种与不列颠的处境相比或许不那么戏剧化和不可逆的方式终结了黄金时代。在这本书之后的部分里,从5世纪20年代往后,我们将进入一个不同的、没那么活力四射的时代。因为5世纪重演了3世纪的危机,但区别是帝国这次没能再从中恢复。
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但这些都属于预想。在4世纪中叶,即我们的故事开始的时候,没有人能预见到如此激烈的发展。在那个时候,来自上层社会的信息很直白:他们的服饰、他们精心装饰的家居,甚至是把他们与位于财富和权力最顶端的人物和礼仪连在一起的器皿与贵重艺术品——这一切都暗示了,有钱人是和其他人不一样的。他们之所以不一样,在于他们都在以各自的方式为一个强大的帝国工作。
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因此,就像我们已经看到的,4世纪的黄金时代同样也是一个帝国的时代。让财富和有钱人如此与众不同的,是两个因素的组合——以金币计算的巨额的可支配收入,和因为帝国服务或是皇帝的眷顾而获得的帝国特权。以此为背景,我们现在应该转而去考察4世纪社会中一个新兴群体的地位——在君士坦丁如此慷慨地向他的支持者派放特权的受益者中,这个群体最与众不同(自然也最令人意想不到)。让我们来看看基督教会的领导人物和他们的会众。作为著名的312年皈依的结果,君士坦丁决定赋予他们和平与特权。
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[1] H. Dessau,Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae ,no. 7457 (Berlin:Weidmann,1916),3:781-82. 我的同事布伦特·肖证明了这段铭文属于4世纪,参见Shaw,Bringing in the Sheaves:Economy and Metaphor in the Roman World (Toronto:forthcoming)。
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[2] P. Brown,Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity:Towards a Christian Empire (Madison:University of Wisconsin Press,1992),52-54;又见P. Garnsey,Social Status and Legal Privilege in the Roman Empire (Oxford:Clarendon Press,1970);以及R. Rilinger,Humiliores-Honestiores:Zu einer sozialen Dichotomie im Strafrecht der römischen Kaiserzeit (Munich:Oldbourg,1988)。
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[3] F. Jacques,Le privilège de liberté:Politique impériale et autonomie municipale dans les cités de l’Occident romain (161-244) ,Collection de l’école française de Rome 76 (Rome:Palais Farnèse,1984);H. Inglebert,Histoire de la civilisation romaine (Paris:Presses Universitaires de France,2005),73-75;P. Gros,“La ville comme symbole:Le modèle central et ses limites,” in Inglebert,Histoire de la civilisation romain e,155-232. 英语中最好的简短综述依旧是A.H.M. Jones,The Later Roman Empire:A Social,Economic and Administrative Survey,284-602 (Oxford:Blackwell,1964),2:722-57。
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[4] P.F.Bang,“Trade and Empire—In Search of Organizing Concepts for the Roman Empire,” Past and Present 195 (2007):3-54 at p. 13.
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[5] G. Charles-Picard,“Civitas mactaritana ,” Karthago 8 (1957):1-156;C. Lepelley,Les cités de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire ,vol. 2,Notices d’histoire municipale (Paris:Études Augustiniennes,1981),289-95.
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[6]Records of the Grand Historian of China ,translated from the Shih Chi of Ssu-ma Ch’ien ,trans. B. Watson,Columbia Records of Civilization 65 (New York:Columbia University Press,1961),499;Ying-shih Yü,Trade and Expansion in Han China:A Study in the Structure of Sino-Barbarian Economic Relations (Berkeley:University of California Press,1967).
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[7] J. Lendon,Empire of Honour:The Art of Government in the Roman World (Oxford:Oxford University Press,1997),30.
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[8]Novella of Valentinian III 3.4 (A.D. 439). 这条规定定了加入市议会所需资产的最低限,参见Jones,The Later Roman Empire ,2:738-39。
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[9] Charles-Picard,“Civitas mactaritana,” 40.
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[10] 我的数据来自W.C. Scheidel and S.J. Friesen,“The Size of the Economy and the Distribution of Income in the Roman Empire,” Journal of Roman Studies 99 (2009):61-91,at p.77。
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[11] 地图参见Inglebert,Histoire de la civilisation romaine ,72-73,and map 1,p.7。
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[12] Scheidel and Friesen,“The Size of the Economy,” 91.
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[13] 经典的表述参见F. Lot,The End of the Ancient World and the Beginnings of the Middle Ages (New York:Knopf,1931);以及 M. Rostovtzeff,The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford:Clarendon Press,1926)。更详尽的书目,可参见曾对本书作者产生影响的学术作品,见于P. Brown,“The World of Late Antiquity Revisited,” Symbolae Osloenses 72 (1997):5-90。无可置疑,关于这个议题的论辩现在依旧活跃,与我不同的观点请参见J.W.H.G. Liebeschuetz,The Decline and Fall of the Roman City (Oxford:Oxford University Press,2001),以及A. Giardina,“Esplosione di tardoantico,” Studi Storici 40 (1999):157-80。
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[14] F. de Callataÿ,“The Graeco-Roman Economy in the Super Long-Run:Lead,Copper and Shipwrecks,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 18 (2005):361-72;B. Ward-Perkins,The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (Oxford:Oxford University Press,2005),87-104.
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[15] G. Halsall,Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West,376-568 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2007),69.
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[16] G. Halsall,Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West,376-568 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2007),72;J. Haas,Die Umweltkrise des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im Nordwesten des Imperium Romanum ,Geographica Historica 22 (Stuttgart:Steiner,2006)。
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[17] R.P. Duncan-Jones,“The Impact of the Antonine Plague,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 9 (1996):108-36;M. McCormick,Origins of the European Economy:Communications and Commerce,A.D. 300-900 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2001),30-41.
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[18] 我认为最好的现代叙事是J.-M. Carrié and A. Rousselle,L’empire romain en mutation:Des Sévères à Constantin ,192-337 (Paris:Du Seuil,1999),49-126,651-718。D. S. Potter,The Roman Empire at Bay,A.D. 180-395 (London:Rout-ledge,2004),85-298. 同样参见K. Strobel,Das Imperium Romanum im “3. Jahrhundert”:Modell einerhistorischen Krise? Historia Einzelschrift 75 (Stuttgart:F. Steiner,1993);C. Witschel,“Re-Evaluating the Roman West in the 3rd Century A.D.,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 17 (2004):251-81;Deleto paene imperio Romano:Transformazions-prozesse des römischen Reiches im 3. Jahrhundert und ihre Rezeption in der Neuzeit ,ed. K.-P.Johne,T.Gerdhardt,and U.Hartmann(Stuttgart:F. Steiner,2006)。
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[19] 关于西班牙和不列颠,参见 C. Witschel,Krise-Rezession-Stagnation?Der Westen des römischen Reiches im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (Frankfurt:M. Clauss,1999),239-74。新的研究参见P. Reynolds,Hispania and the Roman Mediterranean,A.D. 100-700:Ceramics and Trade (London:Duckworth,2010),24-32,69-74。
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[20] R. B. Hitchner,“The Kasserine Archaeological Survey,1982-1985,” Africa 11-12 (1992-93):158-259;以及同一作者的“The Kasserine Archaeological Survey,1982-1986” and “The Kasserine Archaeological Survey,1987,” Antiquités africaines 24 (1988):7-41 and 26 (1990):231-59;D.P.S. Peacock,F. Bejaoui,and N. Ben Lazreg,“Roman Pottery Production in Central Tunisia,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 3 (1990):59-84。
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[21] C. Lepelley,Les cités de l’Afrique romaine ,vol. 1,La permanence d’une civilisation municipale (Paris:Études Augustiniennes,1979),59-120. 意大利方面,参见B. Ward-Perkins,From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages:Urban Public Building in Northern and Central Italy,300-850 (Oxford:Oxford University Press,1984),1-48。
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[22] Halsall,Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West ,83-85;J. Crow,“Fortifications and Urbanism in Late Antiquity,” in Recent Research in Late Antique Urbanism ,ed. L. Lavan,Journal of Roman Archaeology:Supplement 42 (Portsmouth,RI:Journal of Roman Archaeology,1996),89-105;P. Garmy and L. Maurin,eds.,Enceintes romaines d’Aquitaine:Bordeaux,Dax,Périgueux,Bazas (Paris:Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme,1996);H. Dey,“Art,Ceremony and City Walls:The Aesthetics of Imperial Resurgence in the Late Roman West,” and B.S. Bachrach,“The Fortification of Gaul and the Economy of the Third and Fourth Centuries,” Journal of Late Antiquity 3 (2010):3-37,38-64;C. Fernández Ochoa and A. Morillo Cerdán,“Walls in the Urban Landscape of Late Roman Spain:Defense and Imperial Strategy,” in Hispania in Late Antiquity:Current Perspectives ,ed. K. Bowes and M. Kulikowski (Leiden:Brill,2005):299-340;R. Rebuffat,“Enceintes urbaines et insécurité en Maurétanie tingitaine,” Mélanges de l’école française de Rome:Antiquité 86 (1974):501-22.
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