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(237) George Lakoff and Zoltán Kövecses, “The Cognitive Model of Anger Inherent in American English”, in Dorothy Holland and Naomi Quinn (eds.), Cultural Models in Language and Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 195—221, here 197, 200.
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(238) Lakoff and Kövecses, “Cognitive Model of Anger Inherent in American English”, 197, 200.
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(239) Kövecses, Metaphor and Emotion , 61, 85．用语言学的话来说：“我想给出的一般结论是，大多数情感隐喻的源域并不特别从属于情感域，虽然有些是的。”见Lakoff and Kövecses, “Cognitive Model of Anger Inherent in American English”, 49。
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(240) Joseph E. LeDoux, The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 302．关于罗姆· 哈瑞，见Kövecses, Metaphor and Emotion , 184—185。
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(241) 普遍性和“接近普遍性”，见Joseph E. LeDoux, The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 139。
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(242) 体温升高是一种普遍的对愤怒的生理反应，这是科维克塞斯提出的，他利用了列文森、埃克曼、海德和弗瑞森对北美人和苏门答腊岛西部的米南加保人（Minangkabau）进行实验的结果，见Joseph E. LeDoux, The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 159。科维克塞斯参考了Robert W. Levenson, Paul Ekman,Karl Heider, and Wallace V. Friesen, “Emotion and Autonomic Nervous System Activity in the Minangkabau of West Sumatra”, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 62/6 (1992), 972—988。
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(243) Kövecses, Metaphor and Emotion , 160．科维克塞斯在文化普遍主义方面比我们更谨慎。他认为愤怒隐喻的普遍传播可能“纯属巧合”，“它可能是从一种文化传播到另一种文化的”，但是他相信普遍性和生理性提供了一个更确定的基础，见Joseph E. LeDoux, The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 159。科维克塞斯参考了Robert W. Levenson, Paul Ekman,Karl Heider, and Wallace V. Friesen, “Emotion and Autonomic Nervous System Activity in the Minangkabau of West Sumatra”, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 62/6 (1992), 162。
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(244) Kövecses, Metaphor and Emotion , 165，原文强调。
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(245) Kövecses, Metaphor and Emotion , 183.
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(246) Pascal Eitler and Monique Scheer, “Emotionengeschichte als Körpergeschichte: Eine heuristische Perspektive auf religiöse Konversionen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert”, Geschichte und Gesellschaft , 35/2 (2009), 282—313, here 285.
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(247) Eitler and Scheer, “Emotionengeschichte als Körpergeschichte”, 290—291.
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(248) Eitler and Scheer, “Emotionengeschichte als Körpergeschichte”, 291.
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(249) Eitler and Scheer, “Emotionengeschichte als Körpergeschichte”, 292—293.
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(250) Eitler and Scheer, “Emotionengeschichte als Körpergeschichte”, 293．两位作者借鉴了朱迪斯· 巴特勒（Judith Butler）的行为理论和皮埃尔· 布尔迪厄的惯习概念。
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(251) Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret M. Lock, “The Mindful Body: Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology”, Medical Anthropology Quarterly , 1/1 (1987), 6—41, here 7.
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(252) Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret M. Lock, “The Mindful Body: Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology”, Medical Anthropology Quarterly , 1/1 (1987), 28—29.
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(253) Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret M. Lock, “The Mindful Body: Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology”, Medical Anthropology Quarterly , 1/1 (1987), 29.
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(254) Unni Wikan, Managing Turbulent Hearts: A Balinese Formula for Living (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 104—107．见她的重要文章“Managing the Heart to Brighten Face and Soul”。
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(255) Wikan, Managing Turbulent Hearts , 114.
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(256) Wikan, Managing Turbulent Hearts , 281（“去异国化”）。
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(257) Wikan, Managing Turbulent Hearts , 270—272.
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(258) Wikan, Managing Turbulent Hearts , 123，原文强调。
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(259) Wikan, Managing Turbulent Hearts , 123.
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(260) Wikan, Managing Turbulent Hearts , 148.
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(261) 来自人类学的例子，见在巴厘岛和许多南太平洋社会中发现的“解缠”（disentangling）习俗。在一个小组的背景下讨论和解决“纠结的感情”(即人际冲突)，乍一看很像西方的冲突解决策略。然而，如果加以更仔细的比较，就会发现两个显著的不同：首先，在巴厘岛，没有真正的个人自我的概念，而在西方，自我的概念可以被心理治疗的病人或法庭上的法人所援用。相反，在这里只有复数形式的人，这些人只存在于“社会关系的矩阵”中。其次，这种习俗与心理治疗中宣泄性哭泣这样的“情感的身体表达”无关。见Geoffrey M. White and Karen Ann Watson-Gegeo, “Disentangling Discourse”, in Karen Ann Watson-Gegeo and Geoffrey M. White(eds.), Disentangling: Conflict Discourse in Pacific Societies (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990), 3—49, here 8, 12。
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