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这并非是在论证一种纯粹的历史主义或顽固的相对主义。(110)但这确实是在论证一种境遇的或情境的认识论,这种认识论承认人类是历史的、地理的和社会的存在物。(111)最后是一个略带讽刺意味的结论。我们对于别人知道什么和不知道什么了解得非常少。我们可以从许多间接的研究中料想,受特定时间和地点制约的各种社会群体可以获得和利用的知识存在系统的变化。可是,对于这些变化的系统了解却局限于几项杂乱的研究。因此,本章充其量只是一项紧迫的经验任务的序幕。它是一种观念的萌芽。
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(1) 引自Kreckel, M., “Communicative Acts and Extralinguisti9c Knowledge” in von Cranach, M. and Harré, R., eds., The Analysis of Action:Recent Theoretical and Empirical Advances, London, 1982, p. 270。
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(2) 按照《牛津英语词典》的解释,现代意义上作为微生物的“细菌”直到这一年才出现(虽然像“天花的细菌”这样作为疾病种子的细菌在1803年已经存在)。
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(3) Giddens, A., Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis, London and Berkeley, 1979; Giddens, A., A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981.
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(4) 社会群体(包括阶级)可以看做是“结构化”过程中社会结构与个人之间以及个人与社会结构之间的中介点。如果不思考社会群体形成和再形成的连续过程,就不能够理解社会结构的形成和再形成,也不能够理解个人的形成和再形成。因此,一种有关人类行动的境遇性理论必须建基于对某些因素的理解并与这种理解相互交织,例如这样一些因素:社会群体如何在相互的冲突(和联合)中连续地组织化和再组织化;社会群体的独特时空互动结构如何(Layder,D., Structure,Interation and Social Theory, London, 1981)在各种规模上生成独特的力量和弱点;以及社会群体如何被个人行动生产、再生产和转变——个人既被社会群体建构,又在一定程度上建构社会群体。这种表述使得“冲突方式”与“生活方式”(Thompson, E. P., “The Long Revolution,” New Left Review, 1961, VoL.9, pp. 24-33 and VoL.10, pp. 34-39)有可能调和,使得“经济”与某些马克思主义者一贯坚持认为的各种上层建筑有可能调和,不过这些上层建筑实际上是社会的生产和再生产不可分割的一部分,也就是“市民社会”(参见Urry, J., The Anatomy of Capitalist Societies: The Economy, Civil Society and the State, London, 1981)。当然,这个术语一度使用过诸如“文化”“文明”或“精神”等许多别名。
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结构化过程的主要组成部分(与Thrift, N., “On the Determination of Social Action in Space and Time,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 1983, Vol. 1, pp. 23-57,图2进行比较)
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(5) 参见Bhaskar的“Scientific Explanation and Human Emancipation”(Radical Philosophy, 1980, Vol. 26, pp. 16-28)第18页上的评论。
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(6) 参见Thrift, N., “Onthe Determination of Social Action in Space and Time,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 1983, Vol. 1, pp. 23-57; Thrift, N.J. and Forbes, D.K., “A Landscape with Figures: Political Geography with Human Conflict,” Political Geography Quarterly, 1983, VoL.2, pp. 247-263。
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(7) 关于生产、分配和流通体系有一个系统而又十分抽象和不完全的解释,参见Williams, R., Culture, London, 1981。
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(8) 这个源自Schutz和Luckmann著述中的术语(参见Schutz,A., Collected Papers VoL. 1: The Problems of Social Reality, The Hague, 1962; Schutz, A. and Luckmann, T., The Structures of the Life-world, Evanston, Illinois, 1973; Berger, P. L. and Luckmann, T., The Social Construction of Reality: a Treatise in the Sociology of Knowled , Garden City, 1967; Luckmann, T., “Individual Action and Social Knowledge” in von Cranach, M. and Harré, R., eds., The Analysis of Action: Recent Theoretical and Empirical Advance, London, 1982, pp. 247-265)还是有用的,虽然他们的著作有不足之处。尤其令人遗憾的是,Schutz倾向于将社会世界还原为知识库。参见Hindess,B., Philosophy and Methodology in the Social Sciences, Brighton, 1977, ch. 2;以及Abercrombie,N., Class,Structure and Knowledge, Oxford, 1980。前者有一种与Schutz针锋相对的观点,后者却比较赞同Schutz的看法。
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(9) 我想在使用这一术语时使其不牵涉一系列完全独立自足的(self-contained)领域以及相对主义。参见Giddens,A., New Rules of Sociological Method, London, 1976,p. 18.
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(10) 参见Giddens, A., New Rules of Sociological Method, London, 1976; Giddens, A., Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis, London and Berkeley, 1979; Giddens, A., A Contem porary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981; Bhaskar, R., The Possibility of Naturalism: a Philosophical Critique of the Contem porary Human Sciences, Brighton, 1979; Bhaskar, R., “Scientific Explanation and Human Emancipation,” Radical Philosophy, 1980, Vol. 26, pp. 16-28; Bourdieu, P., Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, 1977; Abrams, P., Historical Sociology, Shepton Mallet, 1982; Elisa, N., The Civilizing Process, Oxford, 1978; Elisa, N., State Formation and Civilization, Oxford, 1982。
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(11) 参见Thrift, N., “On the Determination of Social Action in Space and Time,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 1983, Vol. 1, pp. 23-57;由于我们对人类创造力知之甚少,我随后的表述会极大地偏向识知(knowing)的消极面。
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(12) “习性”这一术语取自Bourdieu, P., Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, 1977,它是指任一社会群体的认知结构,这一结构是应对特定客观条件的临时实践的沉积历史,而这一历史又趋向于再生产这些条件。
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(13) 在现代社会中,像书籍或电视这样的媒体也许会使这幅图变得更加复杂,但是没有使情况出现根本改变。其实,我们也许可以认为,从知识可交流性(communicability)的角度看,这些媒体同人类行动者具有一些共同的性质。
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(14) Urry, J., The Anatomy of Capitalist Societies: The Economy, Civil Society and theState, London, 1981, p. 70.
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(15) Thrift, N., “Limits to Knowledge in Social Theory: Towards a Theory of Practice,” Department of Human Geography, Australian National University, Seminar paper, 1979; Thrift, N., “On the Determination of Social Action in Space and Time, ” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 1983,Vol. 1, pp. 23-57; Thrift, N. and Pred, A., “Time-geography: A New Beginning,” Progress in Human Geography, 1981, Vol. 5, pp. 277-286.
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(16) 当然,直至人类历史发展到晚近阶段,人类社会仍然常常被相互隔离开来。例如,像中国这样的国家几乎自成一个世界,缺乏外界的影响或知识。
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(17) Castoriadis, C., History and Revolution, London, 1971, p. 217.
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(18) H. G. Wells, Men Like Gods,引自Bourdieu, P. and Passeron, J., Reproduction in Education, Scoiety and Culture, 1977, p. 71。
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(19) 我们或许可以称之为“意识形态”。哈贝马斯的”Reply to My Critics”(载Thompson, J.B. and Held, D., eds., Habermas: Critical Debates, 1982, London, pp. 219-283)一文,在一种完全不同的语境中表述了类似的看法。
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(20) 当然,在这里必须警惕还原论。马克思主义者特别有过失,因为他们过于频繁地设定,资本主义经济与将劳动力划分为熟练与不熟练或合格与不合格具有直接的关联。Abercrmbie和Urry的Labour and the Middle Classes(1983,London)一书绝妙地批判了这种仍然在许多著作(例如,Carchedi,G., Problems in Class Analysis: Production, Knowledge and the Function of Capital, London, 1983)中明显存在的倾向。然而,已经有著作避免了这种倾向。
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(21) 例如,最明显的是哈贝马斯给出的合理性,还有D. Willer和J. Willer的Sytematic Empiricism: Critique of a Pseudoscience(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1973)一书给出的合理性。
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(22) Hirst, P., “Witchcraft Today and Yestoday,” Economy and Society, 1982, Vol. 11, pp. 444-45.也见Hirst, P and Woolley, P., Social Relations and Human Attributes, London, 1982, ch. 14。
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