1702362580
1702362581
(48) Lakoff, G., and Johnson, M., Metaphors We Live By, Chicago, 1980; Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R. and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, Ideology and Politics: Essays for Eric Hobsbawm, London, 1982, pp. 176－193.
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1702362583
(49) Bernal, J.D., Science in History, London, 1965, p. 40.
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1702362585
(50) 我们不应该认为，魔法现在仅仅存在于发展中国家：参见Favret-Saada的Deadly Words: Witchcraft in the Bocage (Cambridge, 1980)一书关于法国西部博卡什（Bocage）地区的论述。Hirst的“Witchcraft Today and Yestoday”（载Economy and Society, 1982, pp. 428－448）一文指出，魔法形式与社群的空间布局有密切的关联。例如，博卡什地区的魔法形式依赖于小家族企业、固定的住所和家族—父权关系。这种魔法在工厂中就不起作用。
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(51) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R. and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, Ideology and Politics: Essays for Eric Hobsbawm, London, 1982, p. 176.关于“巫师”，参见Burke, P., Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, London, 1978。
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1702362589
(52) Yates, F.A., Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, London, 1964.也见Yates, F.A., The Rosicrucian Enlightenment, London, 1972; Yates, F. A., The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age, London, 1979。
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1702362591
(53) Rattansi, P．M., “Some Evaluations of Reason in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-century Natural Philosophy” in Young, R．M．and Teich, M., eds., Changing Perspective in the Historiography of Science, London, 1973, pp．146—166; Righini Bonelli, R．M．and Shea, W．R., eds., Reason, ExperimentandMysticismintheScientificRevolution, London, 1975; Webster, C., FromParacelsustoNewton: MagicandtheMakingofModernScience, Cambridge, 1982.
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1702362593
(54) Yates, F．A., GiordanoBrunoandtheHermeticTradition, London, 1964．
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1702362595
(55) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．177．
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(56) Webster, C., FromParacelsustoNewton: MagicandtheMakingofModernScience, Cambridge, 1982．
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1702362599
(57) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．177.
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1702362601
(58) French, P．J., JohnDee: theWorldofanElizabethanMagus, London, 1972, p．109.
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1702362603
(59) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．191.
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1702362605
(60) Ginzburg, C., “Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method,” HistoryWorkshopJournal, 1980b, Vol．9, pp．26—27.
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1702362607
(61) Thomas, K., ReligionandtheDeclineofMagic: StudiesinPopularBeliefsinSixteenth- andSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1971, p．799.
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1702362609
(62) Thomas, K., ReligionandtheDeclineofMagic: StudiesinPopularBeliefsinSixteenth- andSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1971, p．800.
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(63) Febvre, L．and Martin, H．J., TheComingoftheBook: theImpactofPrinting 1450—1800, London, 1976.
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(64) 参见Mandrou, R., DelaCulturePopulaireaux 17eet 18e siècles, Paris, 1964; Bollème, G., ed., LaBibliothèqueBleue: laLittératurePopulaireenFrancedu Ⅹ ⅥeauXIXe siècle, Pairs, 1971; Burke, P., PopularCultureinEarly Modern Europe, London, 1978; 以及Martin的论文”The Bibliothèque Bleue: Literature for the masses in the AncienRégime“（载PublishingHistory, 1978, Vol．3, pp．70—102）中给出的评论。
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(65) 参见Neuberg, V．E., PopularLiterature: AHistoryandGuide, Harmond-sworth, 1977; Burke, P., PopularCultureinEarlyModernEurope, London, 1978; Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth – centuryEngland, London, 1981。
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(66) Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1981, p．xviii.
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(67) Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1981, pp．36—37。由于建基于不完全知识，这个结论当然是有争议的，但是我确信它是正确的。也见Spufford, M., “First Steps in Literacy: The Reading and Writing Experiences of the Humblest Seventeenth-century Autobiographers,” SocialHitory, 1979, Vol．4, pp．407—435; Schofield, R．S., “The Measurement of Literacy in pre-industrial England” in Goody, J., ed., LiteracyinTraditionalSocieties, Cambridge, 1968, pp．318—325; Schofield, R．S., “Dimensions of Illiteracy 1750—1850,” ExplorationsinEconomicHistory, 1973, Vol．10, pp．437—454; Cressy, D., LiteracyandtheSocialOrder: ReadingandWritingin TudorandStuartEngland,Cambridge,1980。
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(68) 参见Goody, J., TheDomesticationoftheSavageMine, Cambridge, 1977。
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(69) 以下解释取自Capp, B., Astrologyand the PopularPress: EnglishAlmanacs 1500—1800, London, 1979。
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(70) Capp, B., AstrologyandthePopularPress: EnglishAlmanacs 1500—1800, London, 1979, p．180.
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(71) Ibid, p．203.
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(72) 使用像特许小商贩数量这样的替代变量来描绘廉价书的分布模型显然是有问题的。第一，小商贩肯定不仅仅销售书刊。书刊通常仅仅是销售商品之一，虽然某些小商贩是书刊销售的行家里手。第二，许多小商贩虽然住在一个城镇里但却运作着一个定期集市系统（periodic Market system）。第三，廉价书还有许多其他零售商，最明显的就是专业书商，此外还有一些小店主。因此，这幅地图最多只具有指示性。
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