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(53) Rattansi, P．M., “Some Evaluations of Reason in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-century Natural Philosophy” in Young, R．M．and Teich, M., eds., Changing Perspective in the Historiography of Science, London, 1973, pp．146—166; Righini Bonelli, R．M．and Shea, W．R., eds., Reason, ExperimentandMysticismintheScientificRevolution, London, 1975; Webster, C., FromParacelsustoNewton: MagicandtheMakingofModernScience, Cambridge, 1982.
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(54) Yates, F．A., GiordanoBrunoandtheHermeticTradition, London, 1964．
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(55) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．177．
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(56) Webster, C., FromParacelsustoNewton: MagicandtheMakingofModernScience, Cambridge, 1982．
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(57) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．177.
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(58) French, P．J., JohnDee: theWorldofanElizabethanMagus, London, 1972, p．109.
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(59) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．191.
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(60) Ginzburg, C., “Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method,” HistoryWorkshopJournal, 1980b, Vol．9, pp．26—27.
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(61) Thomas, K., ReligionandtheDeclineofMagic: StudiesinPopularBeliefsinSixteenth- andSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1971, p．799.
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(62) Thomas, K., ReligionandtheDeclineofMagic: StudiesinPopularBeliefsinSixteenth- andSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1971, p．800.
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(63) Febvre, L．and Martin, H．J., TheComingoftheBook: theImpactofPrinting 1450—1800, London, 1976.
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(64) 参见Mandrou, R., DelaCulturePopulaireaux 17eet 18e siècles, Paris, 1964; Bollème, G., ed., LaBibliothèqueBleue: laLittératurePopulaireenFrancedu Ⅹ ⅥeauXIXe siècle, Pairs, 1971; Burke, P., PopularCultureinEarly Modern Europe, London, 1978; 以及Martin的论文”The Bibliothèque Bleue: Literature for the masses in the AncienRégime“（载PublishingHistory, 1978, Vol．3, pp．70—102）中给出的评论。
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(65) 参见Neuberg, V．E., PopularLiterature: AHistoryandGuide, Harmond-sworth, 1977; Burke, P., PopularCultureinEarlyModernEurope, London, 1978; Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth – centuryEngland, London, 1981。
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(66) Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1981, p．xviii.
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(67) Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1981, pp．36—37。由于建基于不完全知识，这个结论当然是有争议的，但是我确信它是正确的。也见Spufford, M., “First Steps in Literacy: The Reading and Writing Experiences of the Humblest Seventeenth-century Autobiographers,” SocialHitory, 1979, Vol．4, pp．407—435; Schofield, R．S., “The Measurement of Literacy in pre-industrial England” in Goody, J., ed., LiteracyinTraditionalSocieties, Cambridge, 1968, pp．318—325; Schofield, R．S., “Dimensions of Illiteracy 1750—1850,” ExplorationsinEconomicHistory, 1973, Vol．10, pp．437—454; Cressy, D., LiteracyandtheSocialOrder: ReadingandWritingin TudorandStuartEngland,Cambridge,1980。
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(68) 参见Goody, J., TheDomesticationoftheSavageMine, Cambridge, 1977。
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(69) 以下解释取自Capp, B., Astrologyand the PopularPress: EnglishAlmanacs 1500—1800, London, 1979。
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(70) Capp, B., AstrologyandthePopularPress: EnglishAlmanacs 1500—1800, London, 1979, p．180.
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(71) Ibid, p．203.
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(72) 使用像特许小商贩数量这样的替代变量来描绘廉价书的分布模型显然是有问题的。第一，小商贩肯定不仅仅销售书刊。书刊通常仅仅是销售商品之一，虽然某些小商贩是书刊销售的行家里手。第二，许多小商贩虽然住在一个城镇里但却运作着一个定期集市系统（periodic Market system）。第三，廉价书还有许多其他零售商，最明显的就是专业书商，此外还有一些小店主。因此，这幅地图最多只具有指示性。
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(73) Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1981, p．126.
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(74) 参见Lough, L., The “Encyclopédie,” New York, 1971; Darnton, R., TheBusinessofEnlightenment: aPublishingHistoryoftheEncyclopédie 1775—1800, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1979。
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(75) Darnton, R., TheBusinessofEnlightenment: aPublishingHistoryoftheEncyclopédie 1775—1800, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1979, p．9.
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(76) Darnton, R., TheBusinessofEnlightenment: aPublishingHistoryoftheEncyclopédie 1775—1800, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1979, p．7．实际上，《百科全书》的许多内容只不过是对实践知识进行的编码化整理。Ginzburg的”Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method”（载HistoryWorkshopJournal, 1980b, Vol．9, pp．5—36）一文第22页谈及了“一种大规模的文化入侵过程……这种冒犯的象征和重要工具就是法国的《百科全书》”。
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(77) 就绘制销售书籍的分布地图而言，也存在一些问题。首先，销售人员在《百科全书》销售过程中所起的作用有差异。其次，书商分布的密度存在变化。再次，小学和中学的分布密度存在变化。然而：总体而言，四开本显然已经销售到这个国家每个角落，包括遥远的巴斯克地区（Pays Basque）和中央高原地区（Massif Central）。四开本的扩散在全国范围内与人口密度相当吻合，尽管不同城市间存在重要的差异。（Darnton, R., TheBusinessofEnlightenment: a Publishing HistoryoftheEncyclopédie 1775—1800, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1979, p．281）
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