打字猴:1.70291065e+09
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1702910651 [359]这并不是否认一些多民族国家内部应享有同样权利的构成民族不平等地对待彼此。但在许多情况下,这不是一个重大问题,不同的民族在一个更大的民族国家的背景下相处得很好。
1702910652
1702910653 [360]引自Gerald N.Rosenberg,“Much Ado about Nothing?The Emptiness of Rights’Claims in the Twenty-First Century United States,”in“Revisiting Rights,”ed.Austin Sarat, special issue, Studies in Law, Politics, and Society(Bingley, UK:Emerald Group,2009),p.20。
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1702910655 [361]Michael Barnett, Eyewitness to a Genocide:The United Nations and Rwanda(Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press,2002),pp.12—13,34—39,68,85,116—117,163;Samantha Power,“A Problem from Hell”:America and the Age of Genocide(New York:Basic Books,2002),pp.366—367,374—375.
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1702910657 [362]Scott D.Sagan and Benjamin A.Valentino,“Use of Force:The American Public and the Ethics of War,”Open Democracy, July 2,2015,https://www.opendemocracy.net/openglobalrights/scott-d-sagan-benjamin-val-entino/use-of-force-american-public-and-ethics-of-war.
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1702910659 [363]Julia Hirschfeld Davis,“After Beheading of Steven Sotloff, Obama Pledges to Punish ISIS,”New York Times, September 3,2014;White House Press Office,“Statement by the President on ISIL,”September 10,2014.
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1702910661 [364]John Tirman, The Deaths of Others:The Fate of Civilians in America’s Wars(New York:Oxford University Press,2011),pp.295—302.也可参见Michal R.Belknap, The Vietnam War on Trial:The My Lai Massacre and the Court-Martial of Lieutenant Calley(Lawrence:University Press of Kansas,2002);Kendrick Oliver, The My Lai Massacre in American History and Memory(Manchester, UK:Manchester University Press,2006)。
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1702910663 [365]John Mueller, War and Ideas:Selected Essays(New York:Routledge,2011),p.174.
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1702910665 [366]Tirman, The Deaths of Others, p.3.
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1702910667 [367]第六章会更详细讨论这一案例。
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1702910669 [368]Rawls, The Law of Peoples, pp.4—5,80—81,90.
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1702910671 [369]Rawls, The Law of Peoples, p.126.
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1702910673 [370]John J.Mearsheimer,“The False Promise of International Institutions,”International Security 19,no.3(Winter 1994/1995):5—49.
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1702910675 [371]在美国国内,在自由党和卡托研究所中有可能找到主张奉行主要基于权宜自由主义的外交政策的最强烈支持者。Christopher A.Preble, The Power Problem:How American Military Dominance Makes Us Less Safe, Less Prosper-ous, and Less Free(Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press,2009);Libertarian Party,“2016 Platform,”adopted May 2016,https://www.lp.org/platform/.值得注意的是,普雷布尔和其他与他观点相同的专家认为,美国在一个基本上是良性的战略环境中运作,这意味着奉行基于权宜自由主义的外交政策符合均势的逻辑。
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1702910677 [372]参见Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990—1992(Cambridge, MA:Blackwell,1992),chaps.1—2。
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1702910679 [373]David Armitage,“The Contagion of Sovereignty:Declarations of Inde-pendence since 1776,”South African Historical Journal 52,no.1(January 2005):1.也可参见Robert Jackson, Sovereignty:The Evolution of an Idea(Cambridge:Polity Press,2007);Andreas Wimmer, Waves of War:National-ism, State Formation, and Ethnic Exclusion in the Modern World(New York:Cambridge University Press,2013)。
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1702910681 [374]在国际层次上,民族主义与现实主义的相容性是有道理的。如前所述,现实主义是一种永恒的理论,这意味着,只要是无政府状态的并且暴力的威胁永远存在,什么样的政治单位组成体系都不重要。然而,现有的国际体系几乎完全由民族国家组成,这意味着民族国家是当代现实主义分析的主要单位。民族国家也是民族主义分析的主要单位。事实上,正如我在第四章所说,民族国家是民族主义的化身。民族主义和现实主义关于是什么激发了这些民族国家在国际体系中的行为,也有类似的叙事。这两种理论都是特殊的理论,其中主要的行动体是自治的单元,当然,它们之间有时有根本不同的利益。因为这些相互作用可能是有益的,也可能是有害的,所以各单位和这里我们所讨论的国家都要小心地注意其他单位的行为如何影响它们自己的利益。最后,它们推行的政策旨在最大限度地实现自身利益,有时会牺牲其他单位的利益。为自己的福祉谋取私利有时会导致民族国家试图伤害甚至摧毁它们的竞争对手。虽然存在这种自私的行为,但各单位在任何情况下都不会互相敌对,而且它们肯定不会处于持续的战争状态。事实上,它们有时互相合作。然而,每个民族国家都知道,在某个时刻,另一个国家可能会威胁到它。因为冲突的可能性总是存在的,部队担心它们的生存,即使没有迫在眉睫的威胁。因此,生存是每个理论的核心。当然,生存不是民族国家的唯一目标,但它必须是它们的最高目标,因为很明显,如果它们不生存,就不能追求其他目标。简言之,民族主义和现实主义都与我在第二章中提出的稀疏政治理论相一致。
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1702910683 [375]Fischer,“Feudal Europe:800—1300.”也可参见Robert Bartlett, The Making of Europe:Conquest, Colonization, and Cultural Change,950—1350(Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press,1994);Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States.
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1702910685 [376]Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States.也可参见Otto Hintze,“The Formation of States and Constitutional Development:A Study in History and Politics,”and“Military Organization and the Organization of the State,”in The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze, ed.Felix Gilbert(New York:Oxford University Press,1975),pp.157—215。
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1702910687 [377]Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince, trans.Harvey C.Mansfield,2nd ed.(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1998),pp.53,84,105.
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1702910689 [378]特别参见Machiavelli, The Prince, p.102,and, more generally, pp.101—105。
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1702910691 [379]对于1792年至1815年间法国军事实力及其军事行动的概览,参见Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, pp.272—288。
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1702910693 [380]Barry R.Posen,“Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power,”International Security 18,no.2(Fall 1993):89—99.也可参见Peter Paret, Yorck and the Era of Prussian Reform,1807—1815(Princeton, NJ:Princeton U-niversity Press,1966);Peter Paret, Clausewitz and the State(New York:Oxford University Press,1976)。
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1702910695 [381]Jackson, Sovereignty, chaps.3—4.
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1702910697 [382]John Gray, Black Mass:Apocalyptic Religion and the Death of Utopia(New York:Farrar, Straus and Giroux,2007),p.30.也可参见Reinhold Niebuhr, The Irony of American History(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2008)。
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1702910699 [383]Ronald Suny, The Revenge of the Past:Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse of the Soviet Union(Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1993).
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