1703249200
1703249201
比较而言，我们认为，议程设置并不总是奏效的。通常，如果愿意为获取合法性而作出牺牲，那么对合法性的需求便是显而易见的。在错误的环境里，即使有能力建立一个共识，也无法确保欧洲的努力不会失败。阿以谈判就是一个很好的例子。由于与殖民主义和大屠杀相关的历史原因，加之欧洲对中东石油的依赖，无论是以色列人，还是不同派系的阿拉伯人，对于欧洲的任何倡议都没有信心。他们往往把欧洲人视为自私自利者、党派分子和不可靠的闯入者。
1703249202
1703249203
尽管如此，我们的主要结论是：欧洲在议程设置上的努力比美国学者所想象的要更加有效。在部分案例中，欧洲的成就不能被简单地视为微不足道而不予考虑。这同样适用于中国在支撑全球经济体系方面所作出的努力，对此我们会在第四章中展开论述。
1703249204
1703249205
[1]Heather Horn, “Rick Santorum Represents Everything Europeans Find Weird about America,” Atlantic, 24 February 2012, http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/02/rick-santorum-represents-everything-europeans-find-weird-about-america/253553 (accessed 30 March 2012).
1703249206
1703249207
[2]Robert Kagan, “Power and Weakness,” Policy Review 113 (2002), http://www.newamericancentury.org/kagan-20020520.htm (accessed 16 February 2011).
1703249208
1703249209
[3]Mitt Romney,引自E.J Dionne, “Obama Moving to Europe,” Real Clear Politics,16 January 2012, http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2012/01/16/moving_obama_to_europe_112765.html (accessed 25 May 2012)。
1703249210
1703249211
[4]Trip Gabiel and Peter Baker, “Romney and Obama Resume Economic Attacks, Despite a Few Diversions,” New York Times, 17 July 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/18/us/politics/romney-and-obama-resume-economic-attacks.html?_r=1 (accessed 17 July 2012).
1703249212
1703249213
[5]Philippe Sands, Lawless World: America and the Making and Breaking of Global Rules from FDR’s Atlantic Charter to George W.Bush’s Illegal War (New York: Viking, 2005).
1703249214
1703249215
[6]参见William C.Wohlforth, “The Stability of a Unipolar World,” International Security 24, no.1 (1999)
:5—41, especially 7—8。
1703249216
1703249217
[7]John J.Mearsheimer, “Back to the Future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War,” International Security 15, no.1 (1990)
:5—56.
1703249218
1703249219
[8]Kagan, “Power and Weakness.”有关自由主义的不同观点，参见G.John Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan: The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011), G.John Ikenberry, “America’s Imperial Ambition,” Foreign Affairs 81, no.5 (2002)
:44—60,特别是第46, 49, 53页。
1703249220
1703249221
[9]Doug Bandow, “The Continent without a Military,” Cato Institute, 25 February 2013, http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/continent-without-military (accessed 3 March 2013).
1703249222
1703249223
[10]2010年，美国的开支达到了6 982.81亿美元。至2011年，美国的开支增加至7 114.21亿美元。“The SIPRI Military Expenditure Database,” http://milexdata.sipri.org/result.php4 (accessed 2 February 2013)。
1703249224
1703249225
[11]Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, “Appendix 4A: Military Expenditure Data, 2001—2010,” SIPRI Yearbook, http://www.sipriyearbook.org/view/9780199695522/sipri-9780199695522-div1-44.xml; http://www.sipri.org/yearbook/2012/04 (accessed 2 February 2013).
1703249226
1703249227
[12]Ibid.
1703249228
1703249229
[13]Ted Galen Carpenter and Marian L.Tupy, “US Defense Spending Subsidizes European Free-Riding Welfare States,” Daily Caller, 12 July 2010, http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/us-defense-spending-subsidizes-european-freeriding-welfare-states (accessed 2 February 2013); “Gates Assails NATO over Willingness to Share Costs,” International Herald Tribune, 11—12 June 2011; Stephen M.Walt, “Why Bob Gates Needs a Course in IR Theory,” Economist, 25 February 2010, http://walt.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/02/25/can_you_say_free_rider_problem (accessed 2 February 2010).
1703249230
1703249231
[14]Hans J.Morgenthau, The Purpose of American Politics (New York: Knopf, 1960).
1703249232
1703249233
[15]John J.Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: Norton, 2001).
1703249234
1703249235
[16]“Public Opinion in the European Union,” Eurobarometer 74 (2011)
:15.
1703249236
1703249237
[17]Ariane Chebel d’Appollonia, Frontiers of Fear (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012), 28, table 1.
1703249238
1703249239
[18]部分现实主义者表示同意。参见Stephen Van Evera, “Primed for Peace: Europe after the Cold War,” International Security 15, no.3 (1990—1991)
:7—57,特别是第18—29页。
1703249240
1703249241
[19]Andrei S.Markovits and Simon Reich, The German Predicament: Memory and Power in the New Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997).
1703249242
1703249243
[20]Ian Manners, “The Normative Ethics of the European Union,” International Affairs 84, no.1 (2008)
:45—60; Richard G.Whitman, “Norms, Power and Europe: A New Agenda for the Study of the EU and International Relations,” in Richard Whitman, ed., Normative Power Europe: Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives (Basingstoke, England: Palgrave, 2011), 1—24.有关现实主义者的批判，参见Adrian Hyde-Price, “‘Normative’ Power Europe: A Realist Critique,” Journal of European Public Policy 13, no.2 (2006)
:217—234; Adrian Hyde-Price, “A ‘Tragic Actor’? A Realist Perspective on Ethical Power Europe,” International Affairs 84, no.1 (2008)
:29—44。
1703249244
1703249245
[21]“Europe Less, China More Popular in global BBC poll,” 11 May 2012, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-18038304 (accessed 25 May 2012); European Commission, “Public Opinion,” http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/index_en.htm (accessed 23 July 2012).
1703249246
1703249247
[22]Andrei S.Markovits and Simon Reich, The German Predicament; “BBC Poll: Germany the Most Popular Country in the World,” 23 May 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-22624104 (accessed 29 May 2013).
1703249248
1703249249
[23]See Richard Ned Lebow, A Cultural Theory of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), chap. 9.
[
上一页 ]
[ :1.7032492e+09 ]
[
下一页 ]