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[99]Leticia G.Juárez, “Mexico, the United States and the War in Iraq,” International Journal of Public Opinion Research 16, no.3 (2004)
:331—343.
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[100]Pamela K.Starr, “US-Mexico Relations,” Hemisphere Focus 12, no.2 (2004), csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/hf_v12_02.pdf (accessed 4 June 2013).
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[101] Juárez, “Mexico, the United States and the War in Iraq.”
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[102]Andreas, Border Games, 14.
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[103]Damien Cave, “Mexico Updates Death Toll in Drug War to 47 515, but Critics Dis-pute the Data,” New York Times, 11 January 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/12/world/americas/mexico-updates-drug-war-death-toll-but-critics-dispute-data.html?_r=0 (accessed 6 March 2013).
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[104]Patrick Corcoran, “Focus on US-Mexico Cooperation Ignores Differing Interests in Drug War,” World Politics Review, 26 March 2008, http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/1838/focus-on-u-s-mexico-cooperation-ignores-differing-interests-in-drug-war (accessed 12 February 2013).
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[105]Human Rights Watch, “Mexico: US Should Withhold Military Aid: Rights Conditions in Merida Initiative Remain Unmet,” 13 July 2009, http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/07/13/mexico-us-should-withhold-military-aid (accessed 12 February 2013).
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[106]Clare Ribando Seelke, Mexico-US Relations: Issues for Congress, Congressional Research Service, 3 June 2010, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/145101.pdf.
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[107]Mark P.Sullivan and June S.Beittel, Mexico-US Relations: Issues for Congress, Conressional Research Service, 13 May 2009, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/125501.pdf (accessed 3 June 2013). See also Clare Ribando Seelke and Kristin M. Finklea, US-Mexican Security Cooperation: The Mérida Initiative and Beyond, Congressional Research Service Report R41349 (Washington DC: Congressional Research Service, 2011), 8.
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[108]Ribando Seelke, Mexico-US Relations, 11.
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[109]Hans J.Morgenthau, Scientific Man vs. Power Politics (London: Latimer House, 1947), 145.
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[110]Julian Pecquet, “Obama OKs $50 Million to Support French Operation in Mali,” The Hill, 11 February 2013, http://thehill.com/blogs/global-affairs/terrorism/282297-obama-oks-50-million-to-support-french-operation-in-mali (accessed 11 February 2013); Clau-dette Roulo, “Mali Lessons Inform Future Partnership Efforts, Official Says,” 14 February 2013, http://www.defense.gov/news/newsarticle.aspx?id=119300 (accessed 14 February 2013).
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[111]Lucy Williamson, “North Korea Warns Foreign Embassies to Prepare Escape,” 5 April 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-22045245 (accessed 5 April 2013).
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[112]Zhang Yuwei, Joseph Boris, Cheng Guangjin, and Pu Zhendong, “Beijing Calls for DPRK Talks,” China Daily USA, 3 April 2013, http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/epaper/2013-04/03/content_16373505.htm (accessed 5 April 2013).
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[113]参见Richard Ned Lebow, A Cultural Theory of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), chap.9。
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[114]Simon Reich, Global Norms, American Sponsorship and the Emerging Patterns of World Politics (Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).
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(1)3A级是最高的信用等级，即偿还债务的能力极强，基本不受不利经济环境的影响，违约风险极低。——译者注
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(2)瓜达尔卡纳尔岛是太平洋战争中的战略要地。1942年8月，盟军发动了争夺瓜达尔卡纳尔岛的战役，直到1943年2月10日才宣告结束。在此期间，盟军逐步赢得了太平洋战场的战略主动权。——译者注
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(3)美国《高等教育法》第六款与“富布赖特—海斯项目”涉及的项目在实际运作中，牵涉的机构相当多，包括政府部门、基金会和私立非营利机构等。——译者注
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告别霸权！：全球体系中的权力与影响力 第六章 国际关系的未来
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当我们处在全盛时期时，世界由美国来领导……我们以身作则，就像一座在山上闪着光辉的城市……要求我们担当世界领导的，从来没有比现在更多过。人们想从美国得到更多，而不是更少。
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——2012年8月，美国参议员约翰·麦凯恩在共和党大会上的演讲
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在本书中，我们已经提出了一系列相关的具有概念性和实证性的观点。其一，我们对霸权概念提出了质疑；其二，我们认为，美国早就不是一个霸权国了；其三，我们发现，美国的所作所为经常会破坏，而不是增进国际社会的稳定；其四，我们主张，世界正朝着职能分工的方向发展。我们的分析是基于对权力与影响力的关系中具有明显差异的概念的比较，我们认为，霸权国并非国际社会稳定所必需的。在当今相互依存的世界——我们称之为多国共存的世界，霸权国也是不合时宜的。在本章中，我们会回顾这些观点，详尽阐述其中最重要的关联，并评估其对美国外交政策和国际关系理论的启示。
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