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[41]Laurence Whitehead,“Chapter 1 Three International Dimensions of Democratization,”in Laurence Whitehead,ed., The International Dimensions of Democratization, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, pp.3-4.
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[42]塞缪尔·亨廷顿:《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》,第98、113页。
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[43]Larry Diamond, Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset,“Introduction: What Makes for Democracy?”p.48.
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[44]Barbara Wejnert,“Diffusion, Development, and Democracy, 1800-1999,”American Sociological Review, Vol.70, No.1(Feb., 2005), pp.53-81.
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[45]Laurence Whitehead,“Chapter 1 Three International Dimensions of Democratization,”in Laurence Whitehead,ed., The International Dimensions of Democratization, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, pp.5-16.
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[46]Philippe C. Schmitter,“The International Context, Political Conditionality, and the Consolidation of Neo-Democracies, ”in Laurence Whitehead,ed., The International Dimensions of Democratization, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, pp.28-31.
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[47]Larry Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World, New York: Times Books, 2008, p.106.
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[48]Karin von Hippel, Democracy by Force: US Military Intervention in the Post-Cold War World, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, p.1.
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[49]Dankwart A. Rustow,“Transitions to Democracy: Towards a Dynamic Model,”Comparative Politics, Vol.2, No.3, April 1970, pp.337-363.
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[50]Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, eds., The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978.
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[51]Guillermo O’Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, eds., Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Teneative Conclustion about Uncertain Democrcies, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986.
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[52]Samuel P. Huntington,“How Countries Democratize,”Political Science Quarterly, Vol.106, No.4,(Winter, 1991-1992), pp.579-616.
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[53]Gerardo L. Munck and Carol Skalnik Leff,“Modes of Transition and Democratization: South America and Eastern Europe in Comparative Perspective,”Comparative Politics, Vol.29, No.3, 1997, pp.343-362.
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[54]Thomas Carothers,“The End of Transition Paradigm,”Journal of Democracy, Vol.13, No.1, 2002, pp.5-21.
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政治学通识 第9讲 如何参与?为何抗争?
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在1960年,有62.8%达到投票年龄的美国人去投票站投票,在肯尼迪与尼克松之间做出选择。在经历数十年的下滑后,1996年仅有48.9%的美国人在比尔·克林顿、鲍伯·多尔和罗斯·佩罗之间做出选择,这几乎接近20世纪最低的投票率。总统竞选的参与程度在过去36年间下降了近1/4。
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——罗伯特·帕特南
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受压迫的人民对待他们所受的压迫,有三种办法可行。其一便是默许:被压迫者顺从于自己的命运。……有时受压迫的人还有第二种方式对待压迫,便是诉诸身体的暴力和腐蚀人心的仇恨。……受压迫的人民在追求自由当中还有第三条道路可走,那便是非暴力抵抗的道路。
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——马丁·路德·金
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他们只有激起较根深蒂固的团结一致感和身份认同,才能创造一场社会运动。因此,我们几乎可以肯定,作为运动组织的基础,民族主义和种族或宗教总是比社会阶级的绝对律令更可靠,原因就在于它们能促进团结一致和集体认同。
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——西德尼·塔罗
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在今天,民主要想繁荣,就必须被重新看作一个双重的现象:一方面,它牵涉到国家权力的改造;另一方面,它牵涉到市民社会的重新建构。只有认识到一个双重民主化过程的必然性,自治原则才能得以确定:所谓双重民主化即是国家与市民社会互相依赖着进行的转型。
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——戴维·赫尔德
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