1703347990
萨缪尔·克拉克,第91页,第92页注释
1703347991
1703347992
Classical republicanism,205
1703347993
1703347994
古典共和主义,第205页
1703347995
1703347996
Clear and present danger rule,VIII
:11,348—56:
1703347997
1703347998
明显而现存的危险规则,第八讲:第11节,第348—356页:
1703347999
1703348000
——formulated by Holmes,343;
1703348001
1703348002
由霍尔姆斯系统阐述的明显而现存的危险规则,第343页;
1703348003
1703348004
——intended to apply to subversive advocacy and concerns content of speech,348;
1703348005
1703348006
人们有意将这一规则应用于颠覆性主张并关涉言论内容,第348页;
1703348007
1703348008
——Holmes’s statement of unsatisfactory,349ff.;
1703348009
1703348010
霍尔姆斯对这一规则的陈述不能令人满意,第349页以后;
1703348011
1703348012
——Brandeis recognizes significance of free political speech and fixes more exactly standard for applying,351f.;
1703348013
1703348014
布兰迪斯认识到了自由政治言论的意义并更加准确地固定了应用这一规则的标准,第352页以后;
1703348015
1703348016
——Hand‘s formulation of,352f.;
1703348017
1703348018
翰德对这一规则的系统阐述,第352页以后;
1703348019
1703348020
——Brandeis’s view elaborated to accord with priority of liberty353f.;
1703348021
1703348022
精心阐明布兰迪斯的观点,以使其与自由的优先性相符,第353页以后;
1703348023
1703348024
——supression of political speech implies partial suspension of democracy and requires constitutional crisis,354f.;
1703348025
1703348026
压制政治言论意味着民主的部分休克并会产生宪法危机,第354页以后;
1703348027
1703348028
——such crisis has never existed,so for practical purposes political speech is absolute,355;
1703348029
1703348030
这种危机从来就不存在,所以,对于实践目的来说,政治言论是绝对的,第355页;
1703348031
1703348032
——idea of such crisis an essential part of account of free political speech,356
1703348033
1703348034
这种危机的理念乃是解释自由政治言论的一个根本性部分,第356页
1703348035
1703348037
1703348038
封闭性社会的定义,第12页,第18页,第40页以后,第68页,第135页以后,第301页
1703348039
[
上一页 ]
[ :1.70334799e+09 ]
[
下一页 ]