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霍尔姆斯对这一规则的陈述不能令人满意,第349页以后;
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——Brandeis recognizes significance of free political speech and fixes more exactly standard for applying,351f.;
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布兰迪斯认识到了自由政治言论的意义并更加准确地固定了应用这一规则的标准,第352页以后;
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——Hand‘s formulation of,352f.;
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翰德对这一规则的系统阐述,第352页以后;
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——Brandeis’s view elaborated to accord with priority of liberty353f.;
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精心阐明布兰迪斯的观点,以使其与自由的优先性相符,第353页以后;
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——supression of political speech implies partial suspension of democracy and requires constitutional crisis,354f.;
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压制政治言论意味着民主的部分休克并会产生宪法危机,第354页以后;
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——such crisis has never existed,so for practical purposes political speech is absolute,355;
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这种危机从来就不存在,所以,对于实践目的来说,政治言论是绝对的,第355页;
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——idea of such crisis an essential part of account of free political speech,356
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这种危机的理念乃是解释自由政治言论的一个根本性部分,第356页
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封闭性社会的定义,第12页,第18页,第40页以后,第68页,第135页以后,第301页
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——assumed at the outest but later dropped when comes to law of peoples,12
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从一开始我们就假定,只是到有了民族法(又译“万民法)时,封闭性社会才会取消,第12页
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Cohen,Joshua,xxxi.,44n,61n,88n,105n,214n,257n;
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乔舒亚·库恩,导论第31页,第44页注释,第61页注释,第88页注释,第105页注释,第214页注释,第257页注释;
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——on importance of reasonable pluralism vs.pluralism as such,36;
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库恩论理性多元论与一般多元论的重要性,第36页;
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——view of relation of reasonable doctrines in overlapping consensus,127f.;
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库恩关于重叠共识中各合乎理性学说之关系的观点,第127页以后;
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——on rationalist and nonrationalist believrs,153n
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库恩论理性主义与非理性主义的信仰者,153页注释
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