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本书扉页的话,见Gary Tomlinson,Music in Renaissance Magic: Toward a Historiography of Others(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1999),p. 20。
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第一章 代尔夫特一景
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我通过Ludwig Goldscheider, Vermeer (London: Phaidon, 1958, 1967)了解到了维米尔。关于维米尔的生活和工作,参见John Montias, Vermeer and His Milieu, 以及Anthony Bailey, Vermeer。我也从以下著作中受益:Gille Aillaud, Albert Blankert, and John Montias, eds., Vermeer (Paris: Hazan, 1986) ; Arthur Wheelock, Vermeer and the Art of Painting (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995)及其所编Johannes Vermeer (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1995); Ivan Gaskell, Vermeer’s Wager: Speculations on Art History, Theory and Art Museums (London: Reaktion Books, 2000);Wayne Franits, The Cambridge Companion to Vermeer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 以及 Bryan Jay Wolf, Vermeer and the Invention of Seeing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001 )。我也参考了网站http://www.essentialvermeer.com上的内容。
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关于维米尔活着时候的尼德兰,参考Jonathan I. Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477-1806 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995) ,其中人口规模引自第622页。关于17世纪荷兰艺术和文化史,参见E. de Jongh, Questions of Meaning: Theme and Motif in Dutch Seventeenth-Century Painting, trans. Michael Hoyle(Leiden: Primavera, 2000),以及David Kunzle, From Criminal to Courtier: The Soldier in NetherlandishArt 1550-1672(Leiden: Brill, 2002)。关于代尔夫特的历史,参见Ellinor Bergrelt, Michiel Jonker, and Agnes Wiechm, eds., Schatten in Delft: burgers verzamelen 1600-1750(Appraising in Delft: Burghers’Collections, 1600-1750)(Zwolle: Waanders, 2002),及John Montias, Artists and Artisans in Delft: A Socio-Economic Study of the Seventeenth Century(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982)。
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关于上海豫园,见《松江府志》(崇祯四年刊)卷四十六,叶 59b[2]。
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“绘画是必须破解的谜”,引自James Elkins, Why Are Our Pictures Puzzles? On the Modern Origins of Pictorial Complexity (New York: Routledge,1999)。
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《代尔夫特一景》,载于Epco Runia and Peter van der Ploeg, In the Mauritshuis: Vermeer (Zwolle: Waanders Publishers, 2005), pp. 42-59,其中48—49页对船只种类的讨论极具启发性。东印度公司建筑群的鸟瞰图,见H. L. Houtzager et al., De Kaart Figuratief van Delft(A Pictorial Map of Delft) (Rijswijk: Elmar, 1997), p.177,197。
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关于代尔夫特与更广大世界的联系,参见Kees van der Wiel, “Delft in the Golden Age: Wealth and Poverty in the Age of Johannes Vermeer”, 载于 Donald Haks and Marie Christine van der Sman, eds. Dutch Society in the Age of Vermeer(The Hague: Haags Historisch Museum and Waanders, Zwolle, 1996), pp. 52-54。
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关于小冰期、鳕鱼南迁、老彼得·勃鲁盖尔的冬季画、华南橘树冻死,参见H. H. Lamb, Climate, History and the Modern World(London: Methuen, 1982), pp. 218-23, 227-30。关于荷兰运河结冰的数据,见H. H. Lamb, Climatic History and the Future(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 476, n.1。
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关于瘟疫,参见William Hardy McNeill, Plagues and Peoples(New York: Anchor Press, Doubleday, 1976)。关于1578年后的阿姆斯特丹鼠疫,见N. W. Posthumus, Inquiry into the History of Prices in Holland(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1946), vol. 1, p. 641。威尼斯地区则见Carlo M. Cipolla, Fighting the Plague in Seventeenth-Century Italy(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1981), p.100。
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离开荷兰的人数估计,摘自Jaap Bruijn, Femme Gaastra, and Schöffer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th Centuries(The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 143-44。维米尔在东印度的侄子,见Montias, Vermeer and His Milieu, p. 312。
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弗朗西斯·培根的话,转引自李约瑟的《中国的科学与文明》[Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 1(Cambridge University Press, 1954), p. 19]。关于火枪对17世纪世界变化带来的影响,参见Jack Goody, Capitalism and Modernity: The Great Debate (Cambridge: Polity, 2004), pp. 77-78。
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欧洲可能给明代绘画带来影响,见高居翰《气势撼人:17世纪中国绘画中的自然与风格》[James Cahill, The Compelling Image: Nature and Style in Seventeenth-Century Chinese Painting (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982) pp. 82-86],以及Richard Barnhart(班宗华), “Dong Qichang and Western Learning:a Hypothesis in Honor of James Cahill”, Archives of Asian Art 50(1997-98), pp. 7-16。中国因素可能影响到维米尔,见Bailey, Vermeer, p. 177。
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关于维米尔作品中的珍珠,可以参见 Runia and van der Ploeg, In the Mauritshuis: Vermeer, pp. 66-67。关于中国对珍珠的审美喜好,见顾炎武《天下郡国利病书》(京都:中文出版社)卷二十九,叶 126a,也见于宋应星《天工开物》[任以都、孙守全译,Advantages and Disadvantages of the Various Regions of the Realm(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1966) , p. 296]。
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宋应星的评论,出自《天工开物》的自序。威廉·斯考滕的墓志铭出自 Willem Ysbrantsz Bontekoe, Memorable Description of the East Indian Voyage, 1618-25, trans. Mrs. C. B. Bodde-Hodgkinson and Pieter Geyl(New York: Robert M. McBride, 1929), p. 157。中国官员的抱怨,转引自拙著《纵乐的困惑:明代的商业与文化》第153页。
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第二章 维米尔的帽子
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关于军官的帽子,参见Wheelock, Vermeer and the Art of Painting, p. 58。关于维米尔对地图的使用,见James Welu, “Vermeer: his Cartographic Sources”, The Art Bulletin 57: 4(Dec. 1975), pp. 529-47,以及Evangelos Livieratos and Alexandra Koussoulakou, “Vermeer’s Maps: A New Digital Look in an Old Master’s Mirror”, e-Perimetron 1: 2(Spring 2006), pp. 138-54。关于巴尔塔萨尔·范·伯肯罗德这一地图世家的早期面貌,见Edward Lynam, “Floris Balthasar, Dutch Map-Maker and His Sons”, Geographical Journal 67: 2(Feb. 1926), pp. 158-61。
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最早关于这场战斗的记载出自塞缪尔·尚普兰自己的记录,该记录首次出版于1613年,在1632年稍微修改后重版。英文版本中,1613年版见六卷本的H. P. Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain(Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1922), vol. 2, 1608-1613, pp. 65-107,修订内容见vol. 4, pp. 80-105,除开头部分以外,均在pp. 97-99。本章直接引用的尚普兰的记录均直接来自第2卷,但对原文稍作修改。关于1609年的战斗,详见Bruce Trigger, The Children of Aataensic: A History of the Huron People to 1660(Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1976), ch. 4。有关尚普兰的最近的研究,参见Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Käthe Roth trans., Champlain: The Birth of French America(Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2004)。当我完成本书的时候,我高兴地发现在这套书中,Christian Morissonneau在《尚普兰的梦想》(Champlain’s Dream)一文中对尚普兰猜测的中国的位置,得出了和我一样的结论。
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奥利佛·狄卡森认为1609年是白印关系史上转折点这一观点,见她的Canada’s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1992), p. 122。相反的观点,则可参照William John Eccles, The Canadian Frontier, 1534-1760(Histories of the American Frontier)(rev. ed., Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983), p. 25。
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印第安语言及姓名基本参照Bruce Trigger and Wilcomb E. Washburn, eds., The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), vol. 1 North America。部落名称的语源,参照John Steckley, Beyond Their Years: Five Native Women’s Stories (Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press, 1999), pp. 15-16, 63, 243-45。
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关于火绳枪的历史,见Carl Russell, Guns on the Early Frontiers: A History of Firearms from Colonial Times Through the Years of the Western Fur Trade(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), pp. 1-18。有关日本早期枪支的历史,见Noel Perrin, Giving Up the Gun: Japan’s Reversion to the Sword, 1543-1879(Boston: David Godine, 1979), pp. 5-31。关于日本购买荷兰枪支,见C. R. Boxer(谟区查),Jan Compagnie in Japan, 1600-1850(The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1950), p. 26。
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关于土著文化中用俘虏献祭,见Georg Friederici, Gabriel Nadeau, and Nathaniel Knowles, Scalping and Torture: Warfare Practices Among North American Indians (Ohsweken, Ont.: Iroqrafts, 1990) 。乔治·悉维的观点, 见Georges E. Sioui, For an Amerindian Autohistory: An Essay on the Foundations of a Social Ethic (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992), p. 52。
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关于尚普兰和休伦串珠,见Tehanetorens(Ray Fadden), “Wampum Belts of the Iroquois”(Onchiota: Six Nations Indian Museum, 1972; Ohsweken, Ont.: Iroqrafts, 1993), pp. 11, 59。
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关于毛毡帽的历史,参见Hilda Amphlett, Hats: A History of Fashion in Headwear(London: Richard Sadler Ltd., 1974), pp. 106-109; Bernard Allaire, Pelleteries, manchons et chapeaux de castor: les fourrures nord-américaines à Paris 1500-1632(The Fur Trade, Muffs and Bearer Hats: North American Furs in Paris)(Québec: Septentrion, 1999)。关于皮毛贸易,见Harold Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1956) ; Paul Phillips, The Fur Trade(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961) ; Raymond Fisher, The Russian Fur Trade, 1550-1700(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943)。
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15世纪欧洲对自然生态的破坏,见David Levine, At the Dawn of Modernity: Biology, Culture, and Material Life in Europe after the Year 1000(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), pp. 153-55。
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