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15 Larsen, 1995, “Biological Changes in Human Populations with Agriculture.”
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16 K. Marx and F. Engels, [1848] 1967, The Communist Manifesto, trans. Samuel Moore (London: Penguin), 55.
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17 关于人口压力，参见E. Boserup, 1965. The Condition of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure (London: Allen and Unwin)。
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18 J. Diamond, 1987, “The Worst Mistake in the History of the Human Race.”
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19 M. L. Bacci, 2017, A Concise History of World Population (London: John Wiley and Sons).
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20 1—1500年，越来越高的土地生产率似乎对人口密度产生了显著影响，但对生活水平的影响并不明显，参见Q. Ashraf and O. Galor, 2011, “Dynamics and Stagnation in the Malthusian Epoch,” American Economic Review 101 (5): 2003-41。
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21 概述参见J. Mokyr and H. J. Voth, 2010, “Understanding Growth in Europe, 1700–1870: Theory and Evidence,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Europe, ed. S. Broadberry and K. O’Rourke (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1
:7-42。
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22 O. Galor and D. N. Weil, 2000, “Population, Technology, and Growth: From Malthusian Stagnation to the Demographic Transition and Beyond,” American Economic Review 90 (4): 806-28; G. Clark, 2008, A Farewell to Alms.
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23 比如，Ronald Lee和Michael Anderson对“1500年后的世界仍是马尔萨斯型的”这一观点表示怀疑，他们认为生育率或死亡率的长期变化几乎无法用工资模型来解释。（2002, “Malthus in State Space: Macroeconomic-Demographic Relations in English History, 1540–1870,” Journal of Population Economics 15 [2]: 195-220） Esteban Nicolini 还发现1650年后生育的影响力在很大程度上减弱了。（2007, “Was Malthus Right? A VAR Analysis of Economic and Demographic Interactions in Pre-Industrial England,” European Review of Economic History 11 [1]: 99-121）
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24 Alessandro Nuvolari和Mattia Ricci估测了英国的人均国内生产总值，发现1250—1580年是马尔萨斯时期，这段时期没有出现正增长。但是在1580—1780年，当马尔萨斯陷阱的限制开始松懈，正增长就出现了。（Nuvolari and Ricci, 2013, “Economic Growth in England, 1250-1850: Some New Estimates Using a Demand Side Approach,” Rivista di Storia Economica 29 [1]: 31-54. ）
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25 R. C. Allen, 2009, “How Prosperous Were the Romans? Evidence from Diocletian’s Price Edict (AD 301),” in Quantifying the Roman Economic: Methods and Problems, ed. Alan Bowman and Andrew Wilson (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 327-45.
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26 J. Bolt and J. L. Van Zanden, 2014, “The Maddison Project: Collaborative Research on Historical National Accounts,” Economic History Review 67 (3): 627-51.
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27 意大利北部的人均国内生产总值预估是北海地区以外的一个显著例外：1—1300年，意大利的人均国内生产总值几乎翻了一番。但一些学者认为，我们也有充分的理由相信这种估计被夸大了。[Bolt and Van Zanden, 2014, “The Maddison Project”; W. Scheidel, and S. J. Friesen, 2009, “The Size of the Economy and the Distribution of Income in the Roman Empire,” Journal of Roman Studies 99 (March): 61-91]据估计在1300—1800年间，意大利北部的人均国内生产总值有所下降。
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28 A. Maddison, 2005, Growth and Interaction in the World Economy: The Roots of Modernity (Washington: AEI Press), 21.
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29 参见J. De Vries, 2008, The Industrious Revolution: Consumer Behavior and the Household Economy, 1650 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press)。
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30 参见S. D. Chapman, 1967, The Early Factory Masters: The Transition to the Factory System in the Midlands Textile Industry (Exeter, UK: David and Charles)。
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31 F. F. Mendels, 1972, “Proto-industrialization: The First Phase of the Industrialization Process,” Journal of Economic History 32 (1): 241-61.
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32 P. H. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, 1982, “Revising England’s Social Tables 1688–1812,” Explorations in Economic History 19 (4): 385-408.
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33 A. Maddison, 2002, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development).
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34 根据1086年的《土地调查清册》和1688年格雷戈里·金公布的其他数据，Graeme Snooks估计，按人均算，英国的经济以0.29%的年增长率增长。（1994, “New Perspectives on the Industrial Revolution,” in Was the Industrial Revolution Necessary?, ed. G. D. Snooks [London: Routledge], 1-26）
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35 D. Defoe, [1724] 1971, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain (London: Penguin), 432.
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36 A. Smith, [1776] 1976, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 365-66.
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37 如上所述，少数人占有了大部分财富。然而，尽管并非每个人都从增长中平等获益，但大多数工人的生活水平远高于最低生活水平。根据1688年King发布的英国社会层级名录，艾伦估计包括农民、乞丐和流浪者在内的最贫穷的群体只能负担最基本的生活。这些群体的生活水平可能并没有比几千年前的狩猎采集者好多少，但他们的人口不到英国人口的五分之一。其他群体的收入则高得多：制造业工人、农业劳动者、建筑业工人、矿工、士兵、水手和家庭佣人（占总人口的35%）的收入几乎是仅能维持生计的最低收入的三倍，比例最大的一类人（包括店主、制造商和农民）的收入是仅能维持生计的收入的五倍，而最富有的人（包括地主阶级和资产阶级）的收入是仅能维持生计的收入的二十倍。（R. C. Allen, 2009a, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press], table 2.5）
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38 Defoe, [1724] 1971, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain, 338.
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39 关于向下的社会流动性，参见G. Clark and G. Hamilton, 2006, “Survival of the Richest: The Malthusian Mechanism in Pre-Industrial England,” Journal of Economic History 66 (3): 707-36。
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