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8 关于廉价劳动力和机械化，参见R. Hornbeck and S. Naidu, 2014, “When the Levee Breaks: Black Migration and Economic Development in the American South,” American Economic Review 104 (3): 963-90。
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9 R. C. Allen, 2009a, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
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10 罗伯特·艾伦同意经济学家约翰·哈巴卡克爵士（John Habakkuk）的观点，即战前美国劳动力的稀缺和土地资源的丰饶带来了高工资，这种现象反过来促进了用机器取代工人的风潮。（1962, American and British Technology in the Nineteenth Century）
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11 爱德华·安东尼·里格利（Edward Anthony Wrigley）也认为，工业革命期间的生产率迅速上升是由于英国工人拥有丰富的煤炭资源。他认为从有机经济（organic economy）向高能经济（energy-rich economy）的转变是工业革命的核心。（2010, Energy and the English Industrial Revolution [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press]）
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12 纺纱工人订正后的工资，参见J. Humphries and B. Schneider, forthcoming, “Spinning the Industrial Revolution,” Economic History Review。还有一些证据表明1650—1800间英国的实际工资比此前更低，参见J. Z. Stephenson, 2018, “‘Real’ Wages? Contractors, Workers, and Pay in London Building Trades, 1650-1800,” Economic History Review 71 (1): 106-32。
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13 Mokyr, 1992a, The Lever of Riches, 151.
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14 J. Diamond, 1998, Guns, Germs and Steel: A Short History of Everybody for the Last 13,000 Years (New York: Random House), chapter 13.
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15 关于阻碍供给端创新的详细总结，参见Mokyr, 1992a, The Lever of Riches, chapter 7。
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16 J. Mokyr, 2011, The Enlightened Economy: Britain and the Industrial Revolution, 1700–1850 (London: Penguin), Kindle.
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17 M. Weber, 1927, General Economic History (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books).
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18 B. Russell, 1946, History of Western Philosophy and Its Connection with Political and Social Circumstances: From the Earliest Times to the Present Day (New York: Simon & Schuster), 110.
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19 Mokyr, 1992a, The Lever of Riches, 196.
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20 L. White, 1967, “The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis,” Science 155 (3767): 1205.
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21 Mokyr, 1992a, The Lever of Riches, 203.
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22 Mokyr, 2011, The Enlightened Economy, introduction.
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23 参见D. C. North and B. R. Weingast, 1989, “Constitutions and Commitment: The Evolution of Institutions Governing Public Choice in Seventeenth-Century England,” Journal of Economic History 49 (4): 803-32；D. C. North, 1991, “Institutions,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 5 (1): 97-112。
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24 D. Acemoglu, S. Johnson, and J. Robinson, 2005, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change, and Economic Growth,” American Economic Review 95 (3): 546-79.
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25 关于商业伙伴关系和防止王室垄断，参见R. Davis, 1973, English Overseas Trade 1500–1700 (London: Macmillan), 41；R. Cameron, 1993, A Concise Economic History of the World from Paleolithic Times to the Present, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press), 127；Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson, 2005, “The Rise of Europe,” 568。
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26 参见 W. C. Scoville, 1960, The Persecution of Huguenots and French Economic Development, 1680–1720 (Berkeley: University of California Press) 。
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27 当然不止英国和荷兰共和国有议会。从12世纪的西班牙开始，议会制度逐渐扩散到西欧。中世纪的议会是代表不同社会群体的独立机构，包括三个阶层的成员（贵族、神职人员，在某些情况下还有农民），并通过征税和在立法过程中发挥积极作用来监督王室。然而在中世纪晚期，在议会刚开始兴起并获得成功之后，君主们经常拒绝召开议会，并寻找各种方法来限制议会的权力。
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28 J. L. Van Zanden, E. Buringh, and M. Bosker, 2012, “The Rise and Decline of European Parliaments, 1188-1789,” Economic History Review 65 (3): 835-61.
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29 Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson, 2005, “The Rise of Europe,” 546-79.
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30 关于《权利法案》，参见G. W. Cox, 2012, “Was the Glorious Revolution a Constitutional Watershed?,” Journal of Economic History 72 (3): 567-600。
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31 关于辉格党联盟，参见D. Stasavage, 2003, Public Debt and the Birth of the Democratic State: France and Great Britain 1688–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press)。
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32 Mokyr, 1992a, The Lever of Riches, 243.
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