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13 R. C. Allen, 2009d, “The Industrial Revolution in Miniature: The Spinning Jenny in Britain, France, and India,” Journal of Economic History 69 (4): 901-27.
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14 J. Humphries, 2013, “The Lure of Aggregates and the Pitfalls of the Patriarchal Perspective: A Critique of the High Wage Economy Interpretation of the British Industrial Revolution,” Economic History Review 66 (3): 709.
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15 Ure, 1835, The Philosophy of Manufactures, 23.
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16 关于贫民学徒，参见J. Humphries, 2010, Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 246。
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17 Humphries, 2013, “The Lure of Aggregates and the Pitfalls of the Patriarchal Perspective,” 710.
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18 Mantoux, 1961, The Industrial Revolution in the Eighteenth Century, 241-44.
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19 J. Bessen, 2015, Learning by Doing: The Real Connection between Innovation, Wages, and Wealth (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press), 75。虽然贝森的预测参照的是美国的工厂，但动力织机在英国也发挥了类似的省力作用。
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20 K. Marx, [1867] 1999, Das Kapital, trans. S. Moore and E. Aveling (New York: Gateway), chapter 15, section 1, Kindle.
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21 和萨弗里一样，瓦特设想了蒸汽引擎的多种应用。他在1784年获得的专利表明蒸汽引擎并不是为特定目的而设计的，用马克思的话来说就是“普遍适用于机械工业的中介”（出处同上）。他在专利文件中列出来的一些应用也许必须等待一段时间才能最终得到实际运用，例如蒸汽锤在半个世纪后出现，其他应用甚至超出了他预想的用途。虽然有人怀疑蒸汽在航运中的应用，但博尔顿和瓦特公司在1851年的万国工业博览会上展示了安装在远洋轮船上的蒸汽机，此时瓦特离世已有三十年。
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22 G. N. Von Tunzelmann, 1978, Steam Power and British Industrialization to 1860 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
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23 J. Kanefsky and J. Robey, 1980, “Steam Engines in 18th-Century Britain: A Quantitative Assessment,” Technology and Culture 21 (2): 161-86.
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24 N. F. Crafts, 2004, “Steam as a General Purpose Technology: A Growth Accounting Perspective,” Economic Journal 114 (495): 338-51.
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25 J. Hoppit, 2008, “Political Power and British Economic Life, 1650-1870,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain, vol. 1, Industrialisation, 1700-1870, ed. R. Floud, J. Humphries, and P. Johnson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 370-71.
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26 J. Mokyr, 2011, The Enlightened Economy: Britain and the Industrial Revolution, 1700-1850 (London: Penguin), chapter 10, Kindle.
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27 T. Leunig, 2006, “Time Is Money: A Re-Assessment of the Passenger Social Savings from Victorian British Railways,” Journal of Economic History 66 (3): 635-73.
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28 关于达比家族和科尔布鲁克戴尔钢铁公司，参见 Allen, 2009a,The British Industrial Revolution, chapter 9。
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29 出处同上。
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30 引自J. Langton and R. J. Morris, 2002, Atlas of Industrializing Britain, 1780–1914 (London: Routledge), 88。
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31 G. R. Hawke, 1970, Railways and Economic Growth in England and Wales, 1840–1870 (Oxford: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press).
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32 Leunig, 2006, “Time Is Money.”
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33 关于收费公路带来的社会储蓄，参见C. Bogart, 2005, “Turnpike Trusts and the Transportation Revolution in 18th Century England,” Explorations in Economic History 42 (4): 479-508。
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34 当然，随着蒸汽同样变革了水运，这些预测都没有完全体现出蒸汽动力运输的好处。早在1821年，英国就有188艘汽船在运行。虽然对于较短的路途，运河通常比海运更加合适，但如果没有这些汽船，货物就不得不随船到处跑。第一条铁路开始运营后不久，蒸汽就开始彻底变革海运。1838年伊桑巴德·金德姆·布鲁内尔（Isambard Kingdom Brunel）公司的“大西方”号汽船成了第一艘横渡大西洋的远洋轮船，这在当时是与火箭相当的里程碑式的成就。进行长途航行时，船只需要装载大量的煤炭作为货物，蒸汽船取代帆船用了将近半个世纪。直到19世纪末，蒸汽机对煤炭的需求下降到了某个临界点，足以支撑汽船从英国驶往中国。
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35 E. Baines, 1835, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson), 5.
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