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7. 关于1680年至1725年牧师的处境，见Clifford K. Shipton: “The New England Clergy of the Glacial Age,” Colonial Society of Massachusetts Publications, Vol. XXXII (Boston, 1937), pp. 24-54.
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8. 当本案第一批被告被吊死处决、其他被告正在候审之际，有一些牧师写信给州长与审判委员会，指出“审慎调查真相的必要，以免因心魔浮起而轻信不确实的证据，造成一连串的冤枉悲剧”。但是民间人士却无视于牧师们的警告，继续以“明确证据”为名大肆搜捕嫌疑人，于是牧师们联名上书州长，在牧师们的坚持下，州长最后终止了这场不当的审判。见Shipton: “The New England Clergy,” p. 42.
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9. Perry Miller就这一衰败在体制和教义方面的表现写过一份精彩的记述，见The New England Mind: from Colony to Province (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1953).
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10. Quoted by Edwin Scott Gaustad: The Great Awakening in NewEngland (New York, 1957), p. 27.
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11. 关于达文波特，见Gaustad: op. cit., pp. 36-41. 爱德华兹本人在他的Treatise Concerning Religious Affections (1746)中用大量的篇幅反对这种表现。
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12. Gilbert Tennent, The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry Considered in a Sermon on Mark VI, 34 (Boston, 1742), pp. 2-3, 5, 7, 11-13.
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13. L. Tyennan: The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield (London, 1847), Vol. II, p. 125. See Eugene E. White: “Decline of the Great Awakening in New England: 1741 to 1746,” New England Quarterly, Vol. XXIV (March, 1951), p. 37.
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14. 吉尔伯特·坦南特给传统牧师的绰号被查尔斯·昌西记录了下来，编成了目录：“有奶就是娘、毛毛虫、舞文弄墨的法利赛人、狡诈如狐、残忍如狼、虚伪之徒、无赖、毒蛇之子、制造蠢货的人、恶魔安插在牧师里的奸细、保姆、不会叫的死狗、瞎子、死人、心藏恶魔之人、上帝的叛徒和敌人、聋瞎向导、撒旦之子……杀人的伪君子。”Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England (Boston, 1743) p. 249. 这些绰号大多似乎来自坦南特的Danger of an Unconverted Ministry。
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15. Gaustad: op. cit., p. 103.
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16.Seasonable Thoughts, p. 226.
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17. Ibid., pp. 256-8.
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18. Leonard W. Labaree: “The Conservative Attitude toward the Great Awakening,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., Vol. I (October, 1944), pp. 339-40, from Tracy: Great Awakening, p. 319.
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19. Quoted by Labaree: op. cit., p. 345, from South Carolina Gazette (September 12-19, 1741).
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20. Ibid., p. 336.
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21. White: op. cit., p. 44.
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22.Works (New York, 1830), Vol. IV, pp. 264-5.
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23. 关于新英格兰各学院对大觉醒运动的反应，见Richard Hofstadter and Walter P. Metzger: The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States (New York, 1955), pp. 159-63.
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24. Gaustad: op. cit., pp. 129, 139.
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25. Richard J. Hooker, ed.: The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution (Chapel Hill, 1953), pp. 42, 52-3, 113, 关于南方腹地的文化环境，请见Carl Bridenbaugh: Myths and Realities: Societies of the Colonial South (Baton Rouge, 1952), chapter 3.
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26. Colin B. Goodykoontz: Home Missionson the American Frontier (Caldwell, Idaho, 1939), pp. 139-43. 在拓荒时期不只有新教的各教派之宗教传统或是组织有失传或瓦解的现象，连天主教徒中也发生如此情况，一位印第安纳的牧师写道：“在附近的爱尔兰移民们，很多人甚至不知道上帝的存在，他们不敢去参加教理课程，即使来了也不知道该如何做。”见Sister Mary Carol Schroeder: The Catholic Church in the Diocese of Vincennes, 1847-1877 (Washington, 1946), p. 58.
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27. Rufus Babcock, ed.: Forty Years of Pioneer Life: Memoir of John Mason Peck, D.D. (Philadelphia, 1864), pp. 101-3.
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28. Goodykoontz: op. cit., p. 191.
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29. Ibid., pp. 191-2. 关于印第安纳早期的相似情况，见Baynard R. Hall: The New Purchase (1843; ed. Princeton, 1916) p. 120.
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第四章 福音主义与奋兴派
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1. 熟悉Sidney E. Mead就美国宗教史所写之文章的读者，可以发现我在这里参考的是他的这几种作品：“Denominationalism: The Shape of Protestantism in America,” Church History, Vol. XXIII (December, 1954), pp. 291-320; and “The Rise of the Evangelical Conception of the Ministry in America (1607-1850),” in Richard Niebuhr and Daniel D. Williams, ed.: The Ministry in Historical Perspectives (New York, 1956), pp. 207-49.
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