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假使世界一成不变，具备斯巴达人优缺点的贵族或许能得以代代相传。但是贵族已经落后于时代，即使是最富智慧、最具美德的统治者也无法让黎民百姓俯首听命了。于是统治者采取了暴力统治，而暴行进一步引发了起义。现代世界的复杂越来越需要智慧，而阿诺德博士却为所谓的“美德”牺牲了智慧。在伊顿公学的操场上，滑铁卢战役或许能够打赢，但是大英帝国却将一败涂地。现代世界需要一种新的人才，需要更多富于想象力的同情心，更善于思辨的随机应变，少一些对凶狠蛮力的迷信，多一些对技术知识的信心。未来的管理者应当成为自由公民的仆人，而不是大众称颂的明君。英国高等教育中的贵族化传统埋下了祸根。或许这种传统可以逐渐消除；或许古老的教育机构无法适应新的形势。对此我不敢妄加评论。
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美国的公立学校进行了一项前所未有的大规模创举，并大获成功：将不同种族的人转变为一个民族。这一创举完成得十分巧妙，而且整体上非常有益，那些成就创举的人实在值得称颂。但是美国跟日本一样，处境非常特殊，在特殊处境下合理正当的事业未必适用于每时每地。美国拥有特定的优势，也面临特别的困难。其优势包括：相对富足；免于战败的危险；相对免于中世纪遗留传统的束缚。移民们眼中的美国弥漫着民主的氛围和相对发达的工业技术水平，我认为这是几乎所有移民逐渐推崇美国甚于祖国的两个主要原因。但是一般而言，真正的移民保有双重的爱国主义：在欧战期间，他们总是旗帜鲜明地站在祖国一边。他们的孩子则不再忠于父母的祖国，而是彻底地成了美国人。父母的态度要归因于美国的优势；而孩子的态度则很大程度上由学校教育决定。我们所关心的正是学校发挥的作用。
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若学校教育可以取材于美国确实具备的优点，此时当然没有必要传授那些错误的标准，来干扰美国爱国主义的灌输。但是在讲到欧洲旧世界比美国新世界优越之处时，就非得装作对真正的卓越漫不经心的样子。西欧的知识水平和东欧的艺术造诣整体上都比美国高出一筹。除了西班牙和葡萄牙，整个西欧也不像美国那么迷信。在几乎所有的欧洲国家中，个人都不像美国人那样容易盲从：即使政治自由少于美国，但是内心却更加自由。在这些方面，美国公立学校的做法是有害的。这种害处决定了传授的内容是排他性的美国爱国主义。同日本学校一样，这种错误根源在于将学生当作实现目的的工具，而非目的本身。教师应当热爱学生甚于热爱国家，否则就不是理想的教师。
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（郑文博 译）
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西南联大英文课（英汉双语版） [:1705033834]
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23 THE STRENGTH OF DEMOCRACY
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By Walter Lippmann
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THE STRENGTH Of DEMOCRACY, by Walter Lippmann, in To-day and To-morrow , March 30,1933, as reprinted in Lippmann and Nevins’s A Modern Reader , Boston, D. C. Heath and Company, 1936, pp. 73, 74.
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Walter Lippmann, formerly associate editor of the New Republic and editor of the New York World , was then on the staff of the New York Herald Tribune , writing articles （“To-day and To-morrow”） which are syndicated nationally in America. He has written a number of books, of which A Preface to Morals is perhaps the most widely read.
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The triumph of Hitler has reduced still further the domain of popular government in the world, and it is but natural that men should wonder whether it can hope to survive anywhere. Yet this impression that autocracy is sweeping the world is something of an optical illusion. The fact is that thus far at least the old democracies have withstood the impact of war and revolution and deep financial disorder. Wide as is the extension of autocracy to-day, except in one important country, it is no more widely extended than it was before the war. The exception is Italy, and Italy happens to be the one Great Power which had most recently achieved its national unity and had had the shortest experience in the conduct of representative government. For the rest it may be said that the Fascist and Communistic victories of the last fifteen years have been won only where democracy had not yet been established.
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Thus in Russia the dictatorship of Lenin and Stalin was founded on the collapse of czarism. Japan, of course, has never had more than a faint imitation of popular government. The dictatorships of Central Europe and of the Balkan peoples had never known even one generation of political liberty and political responsibility. Hitler has overthrown a republic which was half strangled from the hour of its birth. But the old democracies of Scandinavia, of Switzerland, and of France, of Britain and of the Dominions, and of the United States, are still in being: the peoples which knew democracy in the nineteenth century, the peoples who have lived under the heritage of liberalism, have not fallen into disorder and have not surrendered to dictators.
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A wise man once remarked that revolutions do not overthrow governments; governments collapse and revolutions ensue. The history of the last fifteen years offers impressive proof of this generalization. Kerensky did not overthrow the Czar. Kerensky attempted to organize a government on the ruins of the czarist regime. He failed and Lenin organized a government.
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The German republicans did not overthrow the Hohenzollerns. The Kaiser had fled and his government was demoralized. The Weimar system failed to provide a government. In a half-dozen inconclusive elections the German people proved to themselves that they had not yet learned to make representative government effective. Only then did Hitler come into power.
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The crises of the last few years have revealed the essential differences between the democracies which have a capacity to endure and the democracies which have not had it. The ineffective democracies disintegrate in a storm. Solid democracies are capable of uniting their forces, of concentrating power in an emergency, and then of relaxing when the crisis has been surmounted. The first great democracy to demonstrate this capacity was France in 1926. Confronted with what appeared to be an uncontrollable inflation, political power was concentrated in the hands of Poincaré, and order was restored. The second democracy to prove its strength was the British. In 1931, confronted with what might easily have become a catastrophe, the British people concentrated authority and mastered the danger. The third democracy to vindicate itself is our own during the last few weeks.
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It is entirely misleading to look upon the concentration of national authority which took place in France in 1926, in Great Britain in 1931, and in the United States in 1933, as part of the tide of autocracy which has been sweeping over Asia and over Europe. What has happened in these three nations is the exact opposite of what has happened where there has been a collapse in dictatorship. The French, the British, and ourselves have been able to fortify democracy because popular government was inherently strong. Fascism has been overthrowing democracy where it is inherently weak.
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Thus we are entitled to believe that democracy, once it is solidly founded in the traditions of a people, may be the toughest and most enduring of all forms of government. The generation through which we have lived seems to have given substantial proof that while popular government is difficult to establish, and must be learned by living with it, once established it will stand through very foul weather indeed.
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Notes
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Hitler, Adolf, head of the Nazi party and dictator of Germany.
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domain, realm; sphere of influence; dominion; territory.
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autocracy, absolute government.
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an optical illusion, produced by too implicit confidence in the evidence of sight. Such illusions, such false beliefs, are not to be trusted.
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Fascist, principles and organization of the patriotic and anti-Communistic movement in Italy started during the Great War, culminating in the virtual dictatorship of Signor Mussolini, and imitated by Fascist or blackshirt organizations in other countries. The word comes from the Italian fascio , bundle, group.
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Communistic, the vesting of property in the community, each member working according to his capacity and receiving according to his wants. Russia has been trying out the Communistic form of government for the past two decades.
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dictatorship, absolute, rulership, especially where the ruler suppresses or succeeds a republican government. Such rule is usually temporary or irregular.
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