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从某种程度上说，他们没有想错：奴隶制对于北方来说也不仅仅是一种劳动制度。对于废奴主义者而言，奴隶制是一种侮辱。对于其他人而言，奴隶制是一种过时的封建制度，在这个新共和国里非但没有容身之地，还阻碍了共和国的成长和发展。对于另外一些人而言，奴隶制是该地区自由白人社会经济发展的障碍。正如爱默生所说，奴隶制“没有学识，没有改良；它不爱火车的汽笛；它不爱报纸、邮包、学院、书籍或者牧师”，它缺乏一切美国自从独立革命以来认为对个人发展、经济拓展和国家稳定至关重要的元素。爱默生总结指出，在奴隶社会里，“一切都在走向腐朽”[30]。
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1860年亚伯拉罕·林肯和共和党赢得大选之前，南方和北方已经不仅是矛盾重重，还对革命传承形成了几乎互不相容的理解。《独立宣言》和美国宪法都清楚地表述了这种传承。单说北方与前者保持一致而南方与后者保持一致，可能有些过分简单化，但宪法的保障的确让奴隶制和州权在南方人心中有了更重要的意义，而《独立宣言》里追求平等的理念对北方人来说则更为重要。
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林肯认为《独立宣言》是一份积极的文件，能够为包容性美国民族主义的形成指引方向。“我们现在是一个强大的国家，”他在1858年这样宣布，但他也意识到民族关系在这个移民国家里并没有表现得多么显著。林肯清楚地知道，许多美国人都没法“靠血统”与美国的过去产生联系，但他主张认为这些人可以通过《独立宣言》来建立美国的民族主义，他们“有权声称拥有这种民族主义”，就像“写下《独立宣言》的”那些人“身上的血肉一样”。在林肯看来，《独立宣言》的道德情操正是将美国维系在一起的“电线”。[31]然而，南方白人也声称《独立宣言》中指出了“不管什么时候，当任何形式的政府开始破坏”被统治者的权利，“人民就有权改变或废除这个政府”。
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《独立宣言》为北方人提供了实现联邦的基础，也为南方人脱离联邦确立了依据。在林肯执政期间，联邦遭遇了解体，因而，林肯也面临着一个主要的任务：必须要否定各州拥有脱离联邦的权利，要证明18世纪的独立革命建立起的是一个单一国家，同时也要证明《独立宣言》事实上并不是为未来可能发生的国家分裂而制定的指南。然而，随着战争的推进，林肯意识到要想这么做，就必须完成开国元勋们未竟的事业：他必须解决各州脱离联邦和南北内战的根源问题——废除奴隶制。如果联邦在军事上能够取胜，那么他们想要长久维持联邦的存在，接下来唯一要做的就是废除奴隶制。林肯知道，只有废除了奴隶制，美国人才有希望实现他们的昭昭天命，成为“地球上最后一丝最美好的希望”。
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[1]Gouverneur Morris to the Federal Convention, July 5, 1787, in Max Farrand, The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, Vol. I (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1911) 531.
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[2]Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 6, “Concerning Dangers from Dissensions between the States, ”and Federalist No. 9, “The Union as a Safeguard against Domestic Faction and Insurrection, ”both published in the Independent Journal.The Federalist Papers can be accessed through the Library of Congress, available at: http://thomas.loc.gov/home/histdox/fedpapers.html (January 18, 2010).
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[3]James Madison, Federalist No. 10, “The Same Subject Continued: The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection, ”first published in the New York Packet, Friday, November 23, 1787.
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[4]The sixteen“Anti-Federalist”papers were not titled; they appeared in the New York Journal between October 1787 and April 1788, over a variety of pseudonyms, including“Brutus, ”chosen for the allusion to Caesar’s assassin.The author was most likely Richard Yates, a New York judge and delegate to the Federal Convention. This quotation is from the second essay, which appeared at the start of November 1787.
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[5]James Wilson in The Debates in the Convention of the State of Pennsylvania, on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution, [Elliot’s Debates, Volume 2] 526-527, available at: http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:1:./temp/~ ammemV2sd (January 20, 2010).
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[6]James Madison, Federalist N. 48, “These Departments Should Not Be So Far Separated as to Have No Constitutional Control over Each Other, ”first published in the New York Packet, Friday, February 1, 1788.
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[7]Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, ed. Phillips Bradley, 2 Vols. (New York: Vintage Books, 1945), Vol. 2, Book II, V: 114-115, 118.
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[8]The Rules and By-laws of the Charlestown Library Society (1762), available at: http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/becomingamer/ideas/text4/charlestownlibrary.pdf (January 20, 2010).
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[9]Sydney Smith quoted in Alan Bell, Sydney Smith: A Biography (New York
:Oxford University Press, 1982) 120; Ralph Waldo Emerson, “The American Scholar”(1837), available at: http://www.emersoncentral.com/amscholar.htm(January, 20, 2010); Margaret Fuller, “Things and Thoughts in Europe, ”New York(Daily) Tribune, January 1, 1848.
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[10]Jefferson to Madison, Papers of Thomas Jefferson, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd (Princeton, 1950-) 12: 442; to Washington, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Memorial Edition, 20 Vols. (Washington, 1903-1904) 6: 277.
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[11]George Washington to Patrick Henry, October 9, 1795.
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[12]Jefferson and Hamilton quoted in Noble E. Cunningham, Jefferson vs. Hamilton
:Confrontations That Shaped a Nation (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000) 102-103.
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[13]Washington’s Farewell Address (1796) is provided online via the U.S. Congress, available at: http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate/farewell/sd106-121.pdf(January 21, 2010).
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[14]Philip L. Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, 1580-1631, 3 Vols. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1986) III, 274-275;Gouverneur Morris, speaking to the Federal Convention, July 5, 1787, in Max Farrand, The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, 4 Vols. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1911) Vol. I, 529-531.
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[15]Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Vol. I, 401-402.
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[16]William Wells Brown, Narrative of William W. Brown, A Fugitive Slave (Boston
:Anti-Slavery Society, 1847), 41-43.
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[17]For example, Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982).
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[18]Thomas P. Kettell, On Southern Wealth and Northern Profits(1860).
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[19]Ralph Waldo Emerson, Address Delivered in Concord on the Anniversary of the Emancipation of the Negroes in the British West Indies, August 1, 1844, in Edward Waldo Emerson (ed.), The Complete Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson(Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1911) II, 125-126
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[20]Thomas Jefferson to John Holmes, April 22, 1820.
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[21]Abraham Lincoln, “Speech at Springfield, Illinois, ”June 16, 1858, in Basler (ed.), Collected Works ofAbraham Lincoln, II, 461.
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