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190 Dallek, p. 312.
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191 Freidel, p. 407.
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192 David M. Kennedy, Freedom from Fear. The American People in Depression and War,1929—1945, New York/Oxford, 1999, pp. 565—569.
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193 Weinberg, A World at Arms, p. 330.
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194 这和肯尼迪的书中（第 524 页）所暗示的不同，他说，“如果没有这样一个正式宣战，罗斯福很可能无法抵挡住要求，把美国的战力集中在太平洋上，打击日本这个正式的敌人，而不是放在大西洋上，打击未经宣战的德国”。
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195 Kennedy, p. 543; I. C. B. Dear and M. R. D. Foot (eds.), The Oxford Companion to the Second World War, Oxford/New York, 1995, p. 860.
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196 Richard Overy，Why the Allies Won（London, 1995），第 15 页，写道：“在表面上，没有一个理性的人在 1942 年初能够猜到战争最后的结局。”“表面上”也许是这样的，但是丘吉尔在后来的著作中说，他当时就已经认识到，在珍珠港事件导致美国参战以后，“我们已经赢得了战争……希特勒的命运注定了。墨索里尼的命运也注定了。至于日本，他们将会被碾为齑粉。剩下来要做的，只是合理地运用占有压倒优势的力量”，见 Winston S. Churchill，The Second World War，vol. 3：The Grand Alliance（London，1950），第 539 页。
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197 Staatsmänner, p. 329 (Hitler’s meeting with the Danish Foreign Minister, Erik Scavenius, 27.11.41). He repeated similar sentiments to his own entourage on 27.1.42 (Picker, p. 171). Both are quoted by Hillgruber, ‘Amerika’, p. 20.
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第十章 柏林/东普鲁士，1941 年夏秋
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1 Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, ed. Elke Fröhlich, part II, vol. 2, Munich, 1996, pp. 498—499 (13.12.41).
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2 Helmut Krausnick and Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm, Die Truppe des Weltanschauungskrieges. Die Einsatzgruppen der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD 1938—1942, Stuttgart, 1981, p. 619.
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3 Dimension des Völkermords. Die Zahl der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, ed. Wolfgang Benz, Munich, 1991, p. 17.
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4 Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham (eds.), Nazism 1919—1945. A Documentary Reader, vol. 3, Exeter, 1988, p. 1130; Mark Roseman, The Villa, the Lake, the Meeting. Wannsee and the Final Solution, London, 2002, pp. 111—112. 目标数字包括在英国和中立国家（例如瑞士、土耳其、瑞典、爱尔兰和西班牙）的犹太人。
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5 Donald Bloxham, ‘The Armenian Genocide of 1915—16. Cumulative Radicalization and the Development of a Destruction Policy’, Past and Present, 181 (2003),pp. 141—143, 146, 186—191; Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred. Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe, Cambridge, Mass./London, 2001, pp. 18—36.
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6 Also pointed out by Robert S. Wistrich, Hitler and the Holocaust, New York, 2001,p. 238.
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7 Naimark, p. 35.
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8 Michael Mann, The Dark Side of Democracy. Explaining Ethnic Cleansing, Cambridge, 2005, pp. 140, 145; Bloxham, p. 152. And see Naimark, pp. 28—30.
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9 Max Domarus (ed.), Hitler. Reden und Proklamationen 1932—1945, Wiesbaden, 1973, p. 1058; trans. Noakes and Pridham, vol. 3, p. 1049.
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10 Werner Maser (ed.), Hitlers Briefe und Notizen. Sein Weltbild in hand-schriftlichen Dokumenten, Düsseldorf, 1973, pp. 360—361; trans. Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, United States Government, Washington, 1946—8, vol. 6, p. 260.
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11 Eberhard Jäckel and Axel Kuhn (eds.), Hitler. Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen 1905—1924, Stuttgart, 1980, pp. 89—90; trans. Noakes and Pridham, vol. 1, Exeter, 1983, pp. 12—14.
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12 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, 876—880th reprint, Munich, 1943, p. 772; trans. Ralph Mannheim, Hitler’s Mein Kampf, with an Introduction by D. C. Watt, London, 1973, p. 620.
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13 IMT, vol. 28, pp. 538—539.
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14 关于艾希曼职业生涯的发展，参见 David Cesarani，Eichmann：His Life and Crimes（London，2004），第 1—3 章。
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15 See, especially, Michael Wildt, Generation des Unbedingten. Das Führungskorps des Reichssicherheitshauptamtes, Hamburg, 2002, specifically on career opportunities, pp. 163—189.
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16 Otto Dov Kulka, ‘Die deutsche Geschichtsschreibung über den Nationalsozialismus und die “Endlösung”. Tendenzen und Entwicklungsphasen 1924—1984’, Historische Zeitschrift, 240 (1985), pp. 628—629; and Otto Dov Kulka, ‘Critique of Judaism in European Thought. On the Historical Meaning of Modern Antisemitism’, Jerusalem Quarterly, 52 (1989), pp. 128—129. See also Saul Friedländer. Nazi Germany and the Jews. The Years of Persecution, 1933—39, London, 1977, pp. 84, 87—90, for the notion of ‘redemptive antisemitism’.
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