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[1]相关的例子还可参见Vermeer,“Population and Ecology along the Frontier,”272-277。
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[2]Robert B.Marks,“People Said Extinction Was Not Possible:2000 Years of Environmental Changein South China,”in EnvironmentalHistory:WorldSystemHistoryandGlobalEnvironmentalChange,ed.Alf Hornberg(Lanham,MD:AltaMira Press,2007),41-59.
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[3]转引自Marks,Tigers,331-332。译者注:嘉庆《雷州府志》卷二,第67页。
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[4]Marks,Tigers,ch.10.中译本见马立博:《虎、米、丝、泥》,第十章。
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[5]Bello,“Imperial Foraging,”10.
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[6]本段和下一段内容主要参考了Piers Blaikie and Harold Brookfield,“Defining and Debating the Problem,”in LandDegradationandSociety,eds.Piers Blaikie and Harold Brookfield(New York,NY:Methuen,1987),1-26。
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[7]关于渭河流域的森林砍伐,详见Eduard B.Vermeer,EconomicDevelopment inProvincialChina:TheCentralShaanxisince 1930(Cambridge and New York,NY:Cambridge University Press,1988),ch.4。
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[8]Norman Shaw,ChineseForestTreesandTimberSupply(London,UK:T.Fisher Unwin,1914),134.
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[9]Ibid.,125.
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[10]Norman Shaw,ChineseForestTreesandTimberSupply(London,UK:T.Fisher Unwin,1914),128-129.
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[11]转引自W.C.Lowdermilk,“Forestry in Denuded China,”TheAnnalsofthe AmericanAcademyofPoliticalandSocialScience 152(November 1930),138。
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[12]David A.Pietz,EngineeringtheState:TheHuaiRiverandReconstructionin NationalistChina,1927-1937(New York,NY and London,UK:Routledge,2002),7.中译本见戴维·艾伦·佩兹:《工程国家:民国时期(1927—1937)的淮河治理及国家建设》,姜智芹译,江苏人民出版社,2011。
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[13]David A.Pietz,EngineeringtheState:TheHuaiRiverandReconstructionin NationalistChina,1927-1937(New York,NY and London,UK:Routledge,2002),10.
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[14]Ibid.,15.
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[15]Elizabeth Perry,RebelsandRevolutionariesinNorthChina,1845-1945(Stanford,CA:Stanford University Press,1980),note p.16.中译本见裴宜理:《华北的叛乱者与革命者,1845—1945》,池子华、刘平译,商务印书馆,2007,第24页。
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[16]Tim Sedo,“Environmental Governance and the Public Good in Xu Guangqi’s Treatise on Expelling Locusts,”paper presented at 2011 AASannual conference,Honolulu,HI.
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[17]Perry,RebelsandRevolutionariesinNorthChina.中译本见裴宜理《华北的叛乱者与革命者,1845—1945》。
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[18]Pietz,EngineeringtheState,15-16.中译本见戴维·艾伦·佩兹:《工程国家》,第18-19页。
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[19]Perry,RebelsandRevolutionariesinNorthChina,42.中译本见裴宜理:《华北的叛乱者与革命者,1845—1945》,第53页。
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[20]转引自Perry,RebelsandRevolutionariesinNorthChina,19。中译本见裴宜理:《华北的叛乱者与革命者,1845—1945》,第27页。
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[21]黄河在古代称为“河”,大约在汉代或唐代变成了“黄河”,对于这一转变的具体时间,学界尚有争论,参见Rotz,“On Nature and Culture in Zhou China,”in Vogel and Dux eds.,ConceptsofNature,203,n.20。
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[22]转引自Joseph W.Esherick,TheOriginsoftheBoxerUprising(Berkeley and Los Angeles,CA:University of California Press,1987),1。中译本见周锡瑞:《义和团运动的起源》,张俊义、王栋译,江苏人民出版社,1998,第1页。
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[23]Tim Wright and Ma Junya,“Sacrificing Local Interests:Water Control Policies of the Ming and Qing Governments and the Local Economy of Huaibei, 1495-1949,”ModernAsianStudies 47,no.4(2013):1348-1376.
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[24]Jane Kate Leonard,ControllingfromAfar:TheDaoguangEmperor’sManagementoftheGrandCanalCrisis,1824-1826(Ann Arbor,MI:Center for Chinese Studies,University of Michigan Press,1996),9.
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[25]Randall A.Dodgen,ControllingtheDragon:ConfucianEngineersandthe YellowRiverinLateImperialChina(Honolulu,HI:University of Hawai’i Press,2001),11-23.
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