1700072640 3.Vegetius, too（1.20），shows expressly that the number of light infantry who were active in front of the battle line was small and that they moved forward principally from the flanks.

1700072641

1700072642 4.In Livy’s Chapter VIII of Book VIII, to be discussed in greater detail below（p.00）.

1700072643

1700072644 5.Each weapon has certain advantages and disadvantages, and the evaluation remains a subjective one. In Grupp, Cultural History of the Middle Ages（Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters），1：109，it is said, for example:“The Norwegian Royal Code warns against throwing the spear too soon; in land battle the spear is better than two swords.”

1700072645

1700072646 6.Regulations for Drills with Cavalry Weapons（Vorschrift fur die Waffenübungen der Kavallerie），Berlin，1891.

1700072647

1700072648 7.It is not known how the original Roman sword was constructed; it was supposedly only a long, strong knife，“Bowie knife，” cutlass, or even only the same knife that the man used for cutting meat and wood. In the Second Punic War the gladius Hispanus（Spanish sword）was introduced, a straight, two-edged, pointed sword, short and very broad at the top, better suited for thrusting than for hacking.

1700072649

1700072650 A. Midler, Philologus 47：541. From Villenoisy’s “On the Method of Using Ancient Swords”（“Du mode d’emploi des épées antiques”），Revue archéologique，1894，p.230，there is nothing important to be gleaned.

1700072651

1700072652 8. The pilum, which was initially, at any rate, a simple javelin with a very long, thin point, has its own history. For the best discussion of this now, see Dahm, Jahrbücher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinland，1896-1897，p.226. The surprisingly erroneous construction that Rüstow presented is a proof of how difficult critique is from the objective point of view of the ancient written accounts, even for the experts, and how easily it can go astray. The credit for having reconstructed the correct pilum goes to Lindenschmit, and the excavations that Napoleon III had carried out proved also to be very valuable in this matter.

1700072653

1700072654 （Added in the third edition.）A. Schulten, Rhein. Museum N.F.66（1911）：573，points out the probability that the actual pilum was perhaps taken over from the Iberians, as late as the Second Punic War. That would, of course, not eliminate the possibility that the Romans had already long before that adopted the method of throwing the spear ahead and carrying on the actual hand-to-hand fight with knife, dagger, or sword and were indebted to the Iberians only for the final technical improvement in the construction of the javelin. We have no positive testimony about when the Romans introduced the described combination of spear and sword combat, and by the nature of the thing we cannot have such evidence.

1700072655

1700072656 9.According to Polybius. In the period of the Empire we find that in the armories the weapons were divided into “arma antesignana” and “arma postsignana”（“before-the-standard” and “behind-the-standard” arms），which can hardly mean anything other than that the foremost ranks carried the pilum, the rear ranks the hasta. See also Domaszewski, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie，1910，p.9.

1700072657

1700072658 3　罗马人的操练、扎营和纪律

1700072659

1700072660 1.Xenophon, Hellenica 3.2.2；4.4.9；6.2.23. Plutarch, Phocion, Chapter 13.

1700072661

1700072662 2.Polyaenus 3.9.11：Iphicrates has a fixed point on the terrain in front of the camp occupied, in order to protect the camp. Of course, immediately thereafter it is recounted again（para.17）that Iphicrates, in enemy territory, also had a trench dug around the camp so that, as commander, he would perhaps not have to say:“I had not thought of that.”（“I did not think as befits a general.”*）Judging from that, it probably happened more often, after all, than appears in the sources, that at least a trench was dug for the protection of the camp.

1700072663

1700072664 3.Polybius calls it four-sided; the later camp description of Hyginus gives the shape as rectangular. The corners were rounded off in the later period, and presumably also from the start. To a certain extent the camp was naturally always laid out in conformity with the terrain, without eliminating the basic shape. Some of the camps of Caesar in Gaul are to this very day so well preserved that Napoleon III was able to have their size and shape very accurately established through excavations.

1700072665

1700072666 We cannot go into the details of the Roman camp here. I refer the reader, in addition to Marquardt, to Fröhlich, Caesar’s Military System（Kriegswesen Cäsars），pp.74 and 220 ff.

1700072667

1700072668 4.It is usually assumed（see Marquardt, p.426），on the basis of a description by Cicero in the Tusculanae Disputationes（2.16.37），that the legionaries regularly carried along the fortification stakes. Against this viewpoint, Liers（p.155）properly cited three passages from Livy（8.38.7；10.25.6；25.36.5），where it is related as the normal thing that the soldiers did not cut the stakes until reaching the camp site; and he gives a fourth citation（33.6.1），where the practice of carrying them along obviously appears as something exceptional.

1700072669

1700072670 （Added in the third edition.）Stolle, in The Roman Legionary and his Equipment（Der Römische Legionar und sein Gepäk）（1914），believes, after all, that he must go along with the account that the fortification stake also was included in the soldier’s regular equipment; that it was, however, only a rather thin pole, the weight of which he estimates at 1，310 grams. See below, excursus 6 to Book VI, Chapter II.

1700072671

1700072672 5.See also Adolf Bauer. Greek Military Antiquity（Griechisches Kriegsaltertum），para.39.

1700072673

1700072674 6.Gilbert, in Handbook of Greek National Antiquities（Handbuch der griechischen Staatsaltertümer）（2d ed.），1：356，note, states: “The commander has the power of the death sentence in the field” and cites as authority Lysias 13（“Against Agoratos”*），67. The passage reads: “He was caught while he was sending secret signals to the enemy and was executed on a plank by order of Lamachus.”* There was, consequently, one man who was beaten to death for treason under Lamachus before Syracuse. Under which form of judgment that took place we do not know. It is naturally to be assumed that crimes like treason could, in the field, be immediately punished by death, but how far in this procedure the disciplinary power of the commander came into the picture cannot be seen from the cited passage.

1700072675

1700072676 7.Aristotle, in Politics 3.14（9）.2，says that in combat the Spartan kings had the power of life and death; out of combat this was not the case. This base is too narrow for the formation of real military discipline.

1700072677

1700072678 8.Correctly pointed out by Beloch in Greek History（Griechische Geschichte），2：479.

1700072679

1700072680 9.For the earlier period this right of the centurions is not directly proved for us, and whoever sees in the Roman citizen army a levy of property owners could harbor the presumption that this kind of discipline was not introduced until the changeover to recruiting among the masses. As I conceive the history of the Roman military constitution, however, there can be no doubt that the discipline was based from the start on the same principles. Wherever in the highest position the death sentence is handled with such discretionary power, it lies in the nature of things that subordinate officials, too, have broad authority. On the other hand, it also lies in the nature of things that, as long as the centurion felt himself to be a citizen among fellow citizens, he made certain distinctions, and the respected head of a household was not really exposed to the danger of strokes in ordinary service.

1700072681

1700072682 Against my concept it would be possible to cite Polybius 6. 37.8，where tribunes are given the right to punish, to fine, and to lash（“fines, or sureties, or flogging”*），without mentioning the centurions. But Polybius is speaking here of punishment in the framework of formal proceedings, in addition to which there could very well have existed an additional beating by the captains, not specifically provided by the law, in order to maintain good order.

1700072683

1700072684 10.See also above, p.263，and below, p.292.

1700072685

1700072686 11.Livy 29.9.4. Valerius Maximus 2.7.4. Frontinus, Strategemetos 4.1.30-31.“Cotta consul P. Aurelium sanguine sibi junctum, quern obsidioni Lipararum, ipse ad auspicia repetenda Messanam transiturus, praefecerat, cum agger incensus et capta castra essent, virgis caesum in numerum gregalium peditum referri et muneribus fungi jussit.”（“When the consul Cotta was on the point of going to Messana to take the auspices again, he placed in command of the blockade of the Liparian Islands a certain Publius Aurelius who was related to him by blood. But when the latter’s line of blockade was burned and his camp was captured, Cotta ordered him to be flogged, reduced to the ranks, and to perform the tasks of a common soldier.”）

1700072687

1700072688 4　皮洛士　无

1700072689

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