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8.In the year 367,cod. Theodosianus. Cited in Marquardt. In Germany.it was not until 1893 that the minimum height was lowered to 1.54 meters. In 1870.the following regulation was still in force: “The smallest height is 1.57 meters, but men under 1.62 may be selected only if they have a particularly strong body frame and if the yearly replacement figure cannot be met without resorting to this expedient.”The smallest height for the Guard is 1.70 Meters.
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In France. Napoleon set the height at 1.59 meters in 1801,but then he lowered it to 1.54 in 1804. In 1818,it was raised again to 1.57,and in 1872,after some variations, it was lowered again to 1.54. The Roman foot was 0.296 meters and was consequently shorter than the old Prussian one, which was 0.314.
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9.Suetonius, Nero 19.
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10.Schulten,“The Domain of the Legion”(“Das Territorium legionis”). Hermes 29:481.
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11.Cicero, Acad.2.1.2.
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12.Sallustus, Bell. Jug.85.12.
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13.The matter is perhaps somewhat more complicated. The references to the promotion of the centurions are not easy to understand. One theory after another has been advanced on this subject, but no solution has been found that clarifies the whole situation. Theodore Wegeleben’s study,“The Hierarchy of the Roman Centurions”(“Die Rangordnung der römischen Centurionen”),Berlin dissertation,1913,Ad. Weber, publisher, has superseded Domaszewski’s study, to be sure, and has thrown some light on the subject through its comprehensive comparison of the inscriptions, but some points have still remained doubtful. Wegeleben’s conclusion is that the centurions were of equal rank among themselves, with the exception of the six centurions of the first cohort, of whom the three highest ones, of the primus pilus, of the princeps, and of the hastatus, stood so high that they were no longer referred to as centutions at all. This higher position in the first cohort was not just a position of honor. It was also based on the practical organization, since this cohort was 1,000 men strong, while all the other cohorts had about 480 men(Wegeleben, p.37). We are not told how that was balanced off in the formation of the legion. Either the six centurions of the first cohort or the three highest ones were designated as the primi ordines. Also unclear is the meaning of praepositus(see Grosse, Roman Military History[Römische Militärgeschichte],p.143). The remark in Wegeleben, p.60,concerning the receipt of commands is probably not correct; it is contradicted by Polybius 2.34.
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14. We have just recently been enlightened on the situation of the principales by the work of A.von Domaszewski, which is as thoroughas it is valuable. The Hierarchy of the Roman Army(Die Rangord-nung des römischen Heeres),1908.
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Vegetius 2. 7,speaking of the responsibilities, says: “Campigeni, hocest antesignani, ideo sic nominate, quia eorum opere atque virtute exercitii genus crescit in campo.”(“The campigeni, that is antesignani, were so named because the kind of training in the field depended on their hard work and ability.”)I have not found an explanation of this passagein Domaszewski.
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15.The history of the Roman military pay was first set forth in Domaszewski’s essay,”The Military Pay of the Imperial Period”(“Der Truppensold der Kaiserzeit”),Neue Heidelberger Jahrbücher, Vol.10,1900. But Domaszewski, in judging the pay increases in the imperial period, failed to take into account the simultaneous debasement of the money. Consequently, he exaggerated the significance of the numerical increase. I consider it impossible that on the occasions of donatives the centurions were excluded and only the soldiers benefited, as Domaszewski believes, p.231,note 2. In that case, depending on the amount of the donative(under Marcus Aurelius it was once 5,000 denarii for the Praetorians, or five times their annual pay),the privates would often have been better off than the officers.
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16.P.Steiner,“The Military Decorations”(“Die dona militaria”),Bonner Jahrbücher 114:1 f.
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17.In Polybius’camp description, there is no mention of a hospital, whereas there is in Hyginus. See W. Haberrling, The Ancient Roman Military Doctors(Die altrömischen Militärärzte),Berlin.1910.
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18.Premerstein,“The Bookkeeping of an Egyptian Legionary Unit”(“Die Buchfuhrung einer ägyptischen Legionsabteilung”). Klio, Vol. III.
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19.This is reported by Polybius 14.3.6. We may assume that the Romans also retained this custom in later periods.
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20.Tertullian says: “Religio Romanorum tota castrensis signa veneratur signa jurat.signa omnibus deis proponit.”(“The religion of the Romans was completely military. It venerated the standards, swore by the standards, and preferred the standards to all the gods.”)Cited in Harnack, Christian Armies(Militia Christi),p.V.
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21.Alfred von Domaszewski,“The Religion of the Roman Army”(“Die Religion des römischen Heeres”). Special reprint from the Westdeutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kunst, Vol.14,Trier,1895. The very important point of the difference between the military and civilian forms of religion has not been mentioned in this article. See also Hirschfeld,“On the History of the Roman Emperor Cult”(“Zur Geschichte des römischen Kaiserkultus”),Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, Vol.35,1888.
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22.Beloch.in The Population of the Greco-Roman World(Die Bevölkerung der griechisch-römischen Welt),estimated some 54 million. In a later article, however, in the Rheinisches Museum, Vol.54,1899,he reached a somewhat higher estimate for Gaul than in his book. I myself have gone even higher. See Vol. I, p.493. The higher estimate for Gaul tends in turn to lower somewhat the figures for the other countries.
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23.“Venio nunc ad praecipium decus et ad stabilimentum Romani imperii salutari perseverantia ad hoc tempus sincerum et incolume servatum militaris disciplinae tenacissimum vinculum, in cuius sinu ac tutelaserenus tranquillusque beatae pacis status adquiescit.”(“Now I come to the principal glory and support of the Roman Empire—the most stubborn bond of military training, safely preserved and intact by its wholesome persistence up to the present time. In its bosom and guardianship the cheerful and calm state of a blessed peace rests.”)Valerius Maximus 2.7.
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24.Suetonius, Domitian, Chapter 12.
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25.Bell.Gall.2.8;7.41,81. Bell.civ.3.45,51,56. Afr.31. Schambach, Some Observations on the Roman Use of Missile Weapons, Especially in Caesar’s Time(Einige Bemerkungen über die Ge-schutrverwendung bei den Romern, besonders zur Zeit Cäsars),1883. Mühlhausen in Thüringen Program. Fröhlich, Caesar’s Methods of Waging War(Kriegswesen Cäsars)1:77. Attempts have recently been made to reconstruct these weapons. During the excavations on the Lippe, an unusual wooden instrument was discovered, which some believe to be the pilum murale.G. Kropatschek has added an interesting study on that subject in the Jahrbücher des Archäoligischen Instituts 23(1908):79.
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26.Vegetius 2.25.
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27.Cited in Marquardt 2:567.
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28.In addition to the eighth volume of the Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, the inscription is treated by Sebastian Dehner in a Bonn dissertation,“Hadriani reliquiae,”1883,and by Albert Müller, Maneuver Critique by Emperor Hadrian(Manöverkritik Kaiser Hadrians),Leipzig,1900. I have adopted quite a few of the insertions suggested by these two authors, but not all of them. The translation from the Militär-Wochenblatt,1882,No 34,has been significantly changed in some places and filled in in others.
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(Added in the second edition.)Recently, many more small fractions ofthe inscription have been found, but in general they have concerned only the heading and the date. The address is directed “at pilos”(“to the primi pili”). Héron de Villefosse, Festschrift zu Otto Hirschfelds 60. Geburtstag, Berlin,1903.
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29.Legion is to be interpreted as “division” to the extent that it contains all the combat arms.
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