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12.Gervasius Dorobernesis, Chronica de rebus anglicis.
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13.The first treaty is reproduced in Rymer, Foedera，1：7，and the second one on p.22. In the conditions governing the pay are provisions that do not seem to be consistent. In the obligation of the barons, it is stated that those who receive 30 marks “pro feodo”（as “fief”）were obligated to provide 10 milites, and so forth. But the total amount for 1，000 knights was only 400 marks. But in the renewed treaty of 1163，30 marks was the agreed amount for every ten knights.
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This agreement forms an intermediate type between a treaty covering compensation and a political treaty, in that the count excludes in the first case service against his suzerain, but secondly, in case his lord himself should attack England, he obligated himself to serve him only to the extent of not forfeiting his fief.
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“Tam parvam fortitudinem hominum secum adducet quam minorem poterit ita tamen ne inde feodum suum erga Regem Franciae forisfaciat.”（“He will bring with him so small a force as he can so that he may not, however, forfeit his fief to the king of France thereby.”）
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14.Köhler，3：2：155，has assembled a number of these treaties.
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15.Boutaric, p.1138.
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16.M.G.LL.，IV Constitutiones I（Records of Germany, Laws IV, Ordinances I），331，and Martène and Durand, Veterum scriptorum … amplissima collectio（Largest Collection of Ancient Writers），2：880. The rulers consented “inter cetera de expellendis maleficis hominibus, qui Brabantiones sive Coterelli dicuntur tale fecimus utrimque pactum et statutum. Nullos videlicet Brabantiones vel Coterellos equites seu pedites in totis terris aut imperii infra Rhenum et Alpes et civitatem Parisius [sic] aliqua occasione et uerra retinebimus.”（“We have made the following agreement and regulation among other things concerning the expulsion of criminals who are called Brabantines or Coterelli: we shall not keep on any occasion and in war anyone, namely, Brabantines and Coterelli, whether horse or foot, in all the lands of our empire within the Rhine, the Alps, and the city of Paris.”）
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17.H.Géraud, The Highwaymen in the Twelfth Century（Les Routiers au douzième siècle），Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes，3（1841）：132.
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4 战略
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1.Annates Altahenses（Annals of Niederalteich）for the year 978
:“relictis in alia ripa fluminis victualibus cum plaustris et carucis et pene omnibus utensilibus, quae exercitui erant necessaria.”（“After all the supplies had been left behind on the other bank of the river with the wagons, carts, and tools that are necessary for an army …”）. The enemy took all of this from the Germans and inflicted many losses on them.
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2.W.Weitzel, The German Imperial Castles from the Ninth to the Sixteenth Century（Die deutschen Kaiserpfalzen vom 9.bis 16. Jahrhundert），Halle an der Saale.
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3.Heinemann, History of the Normans in Lower Italy（Geschichte der Normannen in Unteritalien），p.120.
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4.Collection of the Historians of the Gauls（Recueil des historiens des Gaules），11.266：
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melius est nos convenire et pugnare, quam nos a vobis separari et superari. In bellis mora modica est, sed vincentibus lucrum quam maximum est. Obsidiones multa consumunt tempora et vix obsessa subjugantur municipia: bella vobis subdent nationes et oppida, bello subacti evanescent tamquam fumus inimicis. Bello peracto et hoste devicto vastum imperium et Turonia patebit.
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（It is better that we make an agreement and fight rather than be divided from you and overcome. In battles（wars）a delay is insignificant, but the conquerors have the greatest gain possible. Sieges take a lot of time, and besieged towns are conquered with difficulty: battles（wars）should put nations and towns under your sway and those subjugated by battle（war）vanish like smoke for their enemies. After the battle（war）has been finished and the enemy defeated, a great empire and Tours will lie open.）
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In this context, the word “bellum” is to be translated as “battle.” The fact that the work from which we have extracted this passage is late and unreliable as a historic source does not make any difference for us, of course, since we are concerned not with the authenticity of the seneschal’s speech but with the confirmation of the fact that such reflections did occur in the Middle Ages.
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战争艺术史 5.Vol.II, p.378.
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5 意大利市镇与霍亨斯陶芬王朝
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1.“cum consensu … Canonicorum ejusdemque civitatis Militum ac populorum”（“with the agreement of the Canonici and of the knights and of the people of the same city”）.
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An agreement drawn up in Modena in 1106 also distinguishes between “milites” and “cives”. Hegel, History of the City Organizations of Italy（Geschichte der Städteverfassungen von Italien），2：174.
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2.Arnulph, Chap.18，SS.，8.16 ff.
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3.Handloike, The Lombard Cities under the Hegemony of the Bishops and the Rise of the Communes（Die lombardischen Städte unter der Herrschaft der Bischöfe und die Entstehung der Kommunen），Berlin，1883.
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4.Hegel，1：252. Hartmann, History of Italy in the Middle Ages（Geschichte Italiens im Mittelalter），2：2：80；2：2：117.
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5.Relatio de Legatione Constantinopolitana（Report on the Embassy to Constantinople），Chap.12.
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