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52.I cannot remember reading in any medieval source anything about signals in battle. The Knights Templars gave signals in camp with a bell. According to Gautier(Prutz, p.27),before the battle of Athareb, Prince Roger ordered that at the first trumpet call everybody was to don his equipment(“audito primo sonitu gracilis”—that was a kind of trumpet),at the second trumpet call they were to assemble, and at the third they were to appear for service of worship. Afterwards, as they went into battle(p.29),the Christians moved forward “gracilibus, tibiis, tubisque clangentibus”(“while the trumpets, pipes, and horns were sounding”). Duke John of Brabant, too, ordered before the battle of Worringen that the trumpets should blow to signal the manner in which they should attack or fight, in order to encourage his men. The “ministrere” stopped their blowing when they saw the ducal banner sink but started blowing the trumpets again when it was raised once more(Ian von Heelu, verses 5668,5694,pp.211-212). From this passage, Köhler(3:2:340)concluded that this was a normal custom and that the trumpeters were near the banner in order to indicate where it was, even if it was obscured by dust. This conclusion goes too far in every respect. Ducange quotes from the Vita St. Pandulfi,n.15: “illam tubam, quam ad significandum proelium tubare significavi”(“that horn which I gave the sign to blow to indicate battle”).
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53.In his work on the conduct of battle of occidental armies in the period of the First Crusade, Heermann determined(p.103)that all the battlefields in that area whose terrain forms are recognizable(Dorylaeum, Lake of Antioch, Antioch, Ascalon, Ramleh(1101),Joppe, Ramleh(1105),Sarmin, Merdj-Sefer, Athareb, and Hab)are plains and that in all the source accounts there is hardly a trace of terrain difficulties or battles in towns or woods.
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Emperor Leo, Tactics,18. 92,says that broken terrain was disadvantageous for the Franks in mounted combat, because they normally made a strong shock action with their lances. Of course, this strong blow is not to be understood in the modern sense.
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54.This comes into consideration particularly against mounted archers, and therefore in the Crusades. Heermann(p.103)traces this back to the tactics of the Moslems, who, with their great numerical superiority, always tried to envelop the Christians. This great superiority of the infidels is to be dismissed as a Christian fable; the reason is to be sought, rather, in their differing armament.
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55.Heermann says in his introduction that we can get to know the knightly method of warfare best and most accurately from the early period of the Crusades. In the later Crusades, the occidentals possibly had borrowed from the orientals, whereas they must have won their first victories with their original tactics. Furthermore, we also have broader source accounts of those events, accounts that are much more meager for events in the west. As logical as this idea may seem, it is nevertheless not correct. The peculiar new conditions of combat were present right from the beginning, at Dorylaeum, and the Crusaders had to try to adapt to them.
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3 雇佣兵
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1.Petrus Damiani, Vita Romualdi(The Life of Romualdus),SS.,4.848(written ca.1040).
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2.Richer, IV, Chap.82
:“exercitum tam de suis, quam conducticiis congregabat.”(“He assembled an army from his own men as well as from hirelings.”)
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3.Hermannus Contractus, SS.,V, for the year 1053.
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4.Waitz,8:238,402,411.
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5.Annales Hildesheimses(Annals of Hildesheim),SS.,3-110.
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6.Mikulla,“The Mercenaries in the Armies of Emperor Frederick II”(“The Mercenaries in the Armies of Emperor Frederick II”(“Die Söldner in den Heeren Kaiser Friedrichs II.”Berlin dissertation,1885,P.5.
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Ducange questions whether instead of “triaverdini” we should not read “triamellini,” a word supposedly derived from the name of a certain type of dagger.
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7.Peschel,“On the Variations of Relative Values Between the Precious Metals and Other Commercial Goods”(“Ueber die Schwankungen der Wertrelationen zwischen den edlen Metallen und den übrigen Handelsgütern”),Deutsche Vierteljahresschrift,4(1853):1.
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Soetbeer,“Contributions to the History of the Monetary and Minting System in Germany”(“Beiträge zur Geschichte des Geld-und Münzwesens in Deutschland”),Forschungen zur Deutschen Geschichte, Vols. I to VI and 57th Supplementary Volume to Petermanns Mitteilungen,1879.
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Lexis, article “Gold” and article “Silver” in the Dictionary of Political Science(Handwórterbuch der Staatswissenschaft).
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Waitz, Heinrich I.,Excurs 15,“On the Reported Discovery of Metals in the Harz under Henry I”(“Ueber die angebliche Entdeckung der Metalle im Harz unter Heinrich I”). According to Waitz, mining in the Harz under Otto I is definitely confirmed by Widukind and Thietmar; it is still questionable as to whether it really went back to the time of Henry I.Inama-Sternegg, German Economic History from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century(Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte des 10.bis 12. Jahrhundert),2:430 f.
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The values for grains estimated by Peschel are obviously unreliable, and his opinion that a decrease of metal supplies can be observed in Europe from the fourteenth century on is certainly incorrect.
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Soetbeer,2:306,thinks he has found indications that there was still much cash money on hand under the Merovingians. This opinion no doubt needs to be researched further.
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The Florentine guilder was minted from 1252 on.
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Helfferich, Money and Banks(Geld und Banken),1:87,says: “In the face of an almost complete cessation of production of precious metals and a heavy flow of such metals to the Byzantine Empire and the Far East, an unusual decrease in the supply of precious metal in Western Europe apparently took place in the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries.”It does not seem to me to be proven that precious metal flowed away from the west specifically to the Byzantine Empire; at least, there was only a shortage and no superfluous amount there either. But the general decrease in the Roman Empire must have started much earlier, and in the third century A.D. it was already leading to the catastrophe. See Vol.II, p.212 ff.
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8.Ruotger, vita Brunonis(Life of Bruno),Chap.30.
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9.Delpech,2:43,believes the Brabantines were horsemen. Köhler,3:2:148 ff.,says they were foot soldiers, but he gives no basis for his opinion. When he expresses surprise on p.152 that they disappeared after the battle of Bouvines and we later find only national levies and soldiers of the cities in Germany as foot troops, this point is at odds with his opinion that the Brabantines were already such a highly developed infantry. Furthermore, on p.147,note, he himself cites an English source, Gervasius Dorobernesis, Chronica de rebus anglicis(Chronicles of English History)of the year 1138 to the effect that William of Ypres, the first of the historic mercenary leaders, commanded “milites et pedites multos”(“many knights and foot soldiers”). Furthermore, in the treaty between Barbarossa and Louis VII of France of the year 1170(Martène, Veterum scriptorum … amplissima collectio: Largest Collection of Ancient Writers …,2:880),express mention is made of the “Brabantiones sive coterelli”(“Brabantines or coterelli”)as “equites seu pedites”(“horsemen or foot soldiers”).
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10.Gislebert, SS.,21.844. Baldwin presumably had “milites auxiliatores, qui quamvis non essent solidarii, tamen in expensis ejus erant”(“auxiliary knights, who, although they were not mercenaries, were nevertheless on his payroll”).
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11.15.100,cited by Roth von Schreckenstein, p.352.
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