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10.The accounts of the battle of Carcano in the narrative works of Raumer, Giesebrecht, Prutz, etc.are all inaccurate, especially since they did not eliminate the fables of the Codagnellus. The documentary basis for my account is given in the “Contributions to the Military History of the Hohenstaufen Period”（“Beiträge zur Kriegsgeschichte der staufischen Zeit”）by Benno Hanow. Berlin dissertation，1905. The account in Köhler，3：3：124，is mostly fantasy.
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11.Otto Morena, M.G. SS.，18.631.
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12.Annales Weingartenses Welfici（Welficius, Annals of Weingarten），M.G.，SS.，17.309. The duke of Bavaria and Saxony reportedly went to the emperor’s aid “in mille ducentis loricis”（“about 1，200 men in mail”）. Welf: “in trecentis loricis Deuthonicorum”（“about 300 mailed Germans”）.
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13.The complete passage from Otto Morena reads as follows: The Romans flee “turn quia forte justitiam non habebant, turn etiam quia postquam in campo exeunt, non sicut sui majores fecere, faciunt, imo vilissimi sunt, turn etiam qui Teutonicos magis timebant quam alios”（“then because they did not, as it happened, have justice, then also because after they went out on the field they acted, not as their ancestors did; rather, they were most worthless. Then also they feared the Germans more greatly than others”）. What does the word “justitia” mean here? The “just thing”?Or “the correct way and manner，” that is, of fighting?
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On this point I turned to the prominent scholar of medieval Latin, Paul von Winterfeld, who since then has been prematurely lost to the field of scholarship, but he did not know the answer either. He wrote to me:
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From the purely philological viewpoint, it also seems quite unlikely to me that “justitia” should mean the “just thing”；for this is not a biblical expression. I have looked through the article on justitia in the concordance but have only found the expression “habeas justitiam coram deo”（“You should have justice in the presence of God”），in Deuteronomy，24，13.
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But now can “the correct manner” be the right interpretation? That would, after all, be very colorless, but there is also an idea associated with it which seems to oppose this meaning: “turn quia forte iustitiam non habebant”，as well as because they are of no value（or rather: “or because”?）. What do you understand here by “the correct way”?In any case，“forte” means this “single instance” in contrast with the word “in general” of the other clause. I have the feeling that the word “justitia” is a corruption, but I do not know how to emend it.“Fiduciam” would fit here, but, of course, it is too extreme a change.
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14.Dümmler, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie，1（1897）：112. Lucanus, de bello civili（On the Civil War），1.256. Annales Egmondani（Annals of Egmunda），SS.，16.453.
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15.Gedr.Sudendorf, Registrum，2.146.
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16.All of these various figures, arranged in numerical sequence, are clearly presented in Varrentrapp’s Christian von Mainz, p.38.
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17.Liber pontificalis（The Papal Book），ed. Duchesne, p.415.
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18.That is incorrect. The emperor did not go through Tuscia but penetrated into Romagna from the north.
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19.This entire scene is pure fiction, since Christian was not with the emperor before Ancona but had moved from Genoa through Tuscany and was not far from Reinald. It was only afterward that the emperor heard of these events. See Varrentrapp, Christian von Mainz, p.28 ff.
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20.Not a word of this is to be believed. See Varrentrapp, loc.cit.
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21.Wyss, in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie，540：2，doubts whether Duke Berthold von Zähringen really participated in the battle and was taken prisoner, but his view seems to be contradicted by Giesebrecht，6：530. Giesebrecht，6：528，considers it possible that Margrave Dietrich von der Lausitz also took part in the battle. But we only know from an undated document which was probably not written until December 1176 that he was then at the emperor’s court, but that does not permit any conclusion as to his whereabouts in May.
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22.According to the Gesta Friderici in Lombardia, ed. Holder-Egger（Annales Mediolanenses majores: Greater Annals of Milan），the army that had come across the Alps numbered 2，000 men, that is, knights. This number is not to be divided in half, as if only half of the men were knights（Giesebrecht），nor can it be multiplied as if there were naturally additional combatants of lower rank. According to the Gesta Friderici, the emperor himself had led 1，000 knights from Pavia, and according to Gottfried von Viterbo, this number was 500. In addition, there were the men of Como, who hardly numbered more than the 500 men who supposedly were killed or captured（Gesta Friderici and Continuatio Sanblasiana ad Ottonis Frisingensis chronicon[Sanblasianus’Continuation of the Chronicle of Otto of Freysingen]，SS.，20.316）.
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23.The standard source study for Legnano is the previously cited dissertation by Hanow.
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In the Deutsche Literaturzeitung, No. 26（1 July 1905），Güterbock reproached Hanow for not taking into account in his work the Chronicle of Tolosanus. In fact, this work should have been expressly mentioned, but only for the purpose of rejecting it as unimportant. It was written about a generation later and is either erroneous or confusing in all the figures that can be checked on. The other points for which Güterbock reproaches Hanow are either unsubstantiated or obviously false. See the “Entgegnung”（“Reply”）and “Antwort”（“Answer”）in the Deutsche Literaturzeitung, No.31. Also Historische Vierteljahresschrift，1911.
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The account which Köhler，1：69 ff.，gives of the battle is based on uncritical contamination of the various source reports and especially on the completely unreliable Gottfried von Viterbo; much of this is also mere fantasy. Effectively opposed to these descriptions are the remarks of the same author in the note in his 3：3：122. Here it is not the critical scholar of the source documents who is speaking, but the practical, experienced soldier.
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24.The standard study for Cortenuova is the dissertation by Karl Hadank, Berlin，1905. Publisher: Richard Hanow.63 pp.
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25.“ultra decern milia sui exercitus secum trahens … signa direcit victricia”（“taking with him over 10，000 of his own army … he arranged the signals of victory”）.
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26.Annales Placentini Guelfi（The Guelph Annals of Piacenza），M.G.，SS.，18.453. They promise one another help，“militum, peditum et balistariorum”（“of knights, foot soldiers, and crossbowmen”）.
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27.According to the Ghibelline Annals of Piacenza, Piacenza alone had provided 1，000 knights. But if we accepted this figure and also estimated the other allied contingents correspondingly, it would not be understandable why the Lombards so anxiously avoided battle with the emperor. Perhaps those 1，000 men were Piacenza’s total contingent.
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28.The fact that Riccardus di San Germano speaks of 60，000 inhabitants has, of course, no validity as proof.
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29.Annales Parmenses majores（Greater Annals of Parma），M.G.，SS.，18.673：“decern milia militum cum innummerabili populo diversarum gentium”（“10，000 knights with a countless crowd of different nations”）. The events indicate that the “milites” are to be understood not simply as “knights” in the narrower sense, but as combatants.
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