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Quite often there were quarrels over these allocations; for example, in 1448 the small community of Krattigen complained that, of the seven men to be provided by the region, it was to furnish two, since, after all, the community did not have more than twenty or twenty-one farms. For that reason, in 1499 and 1512 a census of all households was ordered. We cannot help wondering that this was not done until then, when we remember at what an early period Ancient Rome had similar statistics. Rodt, p.27.
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4.According to Häne, p.23.
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5.Häne, p.24.
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6.Rodt，1：6.
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7.Minutes of the Council of Bern，22 June 1476：
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To Fribourg, Solothurn, and Biel, that, with respect to the proper conduct of the war, they allow goods for sale in the way of wine, grain, and other goods and necessities to go to the army.
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The same applies to Nidau and Aarberg.
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To my lords in the field, that they see to it that there be no kind of forceful haggling with those who provide you with goods for sale, and that they receive their just payment.
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The decisive action is called for quickly，“for my lords cannot provide supplies for such an army over a long period.”
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Ochsenbein, Documents on the Battle of Murten（Urkunden zur Schlacht von Murten），p. 301.
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8.Escher, p.26，states that in the Zurich archives there is an explanation of the formation of the battle unit, indicating that it was fifty-six men wide and twenty men deep.Consequently, that would be a phalanx rather than a wedge. In a later period, where a unit formed a true square in space rather than a rectangle with an equal number of men in its width and depth, these approximate figures were to be found quite often. But at the time of the old Zurich war, the period to which Escher attributes his explanation, I can hardly imagine that it was applied from a practical viewpoint.
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9.Häne, p.8，concludes from the military games of boys and other indications that maneuvers had actually taken place. I am not convinced of this. In particular, the fact that a knight once threatened that he would teach the soldiers（lansquenets）in such a way that one of them would be worth more than two men of the Confederation is no proof that he had Swiss drills in mind.
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10.Elgger, p.253.
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11.Paulus Jovius, in 1494.
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12.The passages have been assembled by Studer in the Archiv des Historischen Vereins Bern, IV, Book 4，p.36.
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13.Sempach letter of 1394. Blumer, p.374. Kriegsordnung of 1468 and 1490. Rodt, Berner Kriegswesen，1：250，253. Elgger, p.215.
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14.Rodt, Campaigns of Charles the Bold（Feldzüge Karls des Kühnen），1：331.
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15.According to the extract in Häne, p.29.
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16.According to Thüring Frickhart’s Twingherrenstreit, edited by Studer, Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte，1（1877）：137.
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17.Studer, Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte，1（1877）：145.
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18.W.F.von Mülinen, History of the Swiss Mercenaries up to the Formation of the First Permanent Guard in 1497（Geschichte der Schweizer Sóldner bis zur Errichtung der ersten stehenden Garde，1497），Bern，1887.
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19.Collection Petitot，10：245.
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20.“Et jam Palatini cessurus equitatus fuerat, nisi prodeuntes a latebris pedites longis hastis Badensium equos confodere cepissent.”（“And the Palatine cavalry had already been about to yield, if the foot soldiers advancing from their hideouts had not undertaken to strike the horses of the Badensians with their long spears.”）Gobellinus, cited by Roder in Die Schlacht bei Seckenheim, Billingen，1877. The principal source is a poetic work by Michael Beheim.
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7 勃艮第战争
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1.To be sure, the Swiss, too, suffered defeats a few times, when they moved out of their mountains, as, for example, the Appenzellers in 1405 at Altstetten, and in 1408 at Bregenz, and the troops of Uri in 1422 at Arbedo. But those were not very important engagements.“Ueber Arbedo，” by Fr. Knorreck, Berlin dissertation，1910.
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