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2.Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, p.609.
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3.Nicolaus Rüsch, the city scribe of Basel, even states that the Burgundians were 10,000 strong on horseback and 8,000 on foot. Busier Chroniken, Vol.Ill, p.304,1887.
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4.Rodt,1:304.
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5.According to the note in Tobler’s Schilling,1:163,the Solothurners reported to their home town in 1635.
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6.Basler Chroniken,3:305.
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7.Witte, Zeitschrift fur Geschichte des Oberrheins,45:394.
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8.Vol.I, p.326.Dierauer,1:197,also accepts the number 70.
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9.Witte, Zeitschrift für Geschichte des Oberrheins,49(1895):217.
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10.F.de Gingins-la-Sarra, Dispatches from the Milanese Ambassadors on the Campaigns of Charles the Bold, from 1474 to 1477(Dépêches des ambassadeurs Milanais sur les campagnes de Charles le Hardi, de 1474 à 1477),Paris,1858.
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11.Olivier de la Marche, who, as a confidant of the duke, was able to know his intentions, states in his memoirs(which, unfortunately, are very brief with respect to this war)that Vaumarcus was occupied as a lure in order to entice the troops of the Confederation to move forward. This reason is not very clear, since on the far side of the narrow pass the duke would never be able to find a battlefield as favorable as the one offered him by his fortified position at Grandson. In any case he could keep his army assembled and wait for a few weeks more easily than the Swiss. This point serves as factual confirmation of the impatience and underestimation of the enemy, outstanding characteristics attributed to the duke by many sources.
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12.Principally the Baselers, whose strength is given as sixty men. But since the leader of the Austrian knights, Hermann von Eptingen, was also present(Meitinger’s letter, cited by Knebel),at least a part of these Austrians must also have been present.
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13.This point is stressed by the Burgundian court historian, Molinet.
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14.Reported in Saint Gall’s Part in the Burgundian Wars(St. Gallens Anteil an den Burgunderkriegen),published by the Historischer Verein in St. Galien, Saint Gall,1876.
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15.In the minutes of the meeting of 15 May(Eidgenössische Abschrifte,2:593)there is stated only “and fifty men dead.”The same minutes, however, state that 1,500 or 1,600 slain Burgundians were found, and that the duke had 60,000 actual mounted men and still more of the other troops. Consequently, it is not very trustworthy. The men of Schwyz had seventy wounded and seven killed(Knebel states that they lost eighty men all together). On the basis of the accounts for the care of the wounded, the total of wounded can be assumed to be about 700,and the figure for those killed may then be something between fifty and seventy.
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Bernoulli, Baseler Neujahrsblatt,1899,p. 23,and Feldmann, Schlacht bei Granson, p.56,assume the losses to be only fifty dead and between 300 and 400 wounded.
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16.Dändliker, in his Geschichte der Schweiz,2:224,explains the failure to exploit the victory at Grandson as completely due to the lack of military understanding on the part of the Confederation. He writes: “In their joy over the uplifting success at Grandson, the men of the Confederation were initially no longer concerned about Duke Charles. They considered their mission as accomplished. When Bern, which was not inclined to such a carefree and self-deceptive attitude and took the situation seriously, wanted to continue the war, the majority of the Confederation decided for the return home.”Such experienced warriors as the troops of Zurich, with their burgomaster Waldmann, and the other members of the Confederation are not supposed to have been capable of understanding the situation when Bern explained to them that they could best protect themselves against a renewed attack by a pursuit of the defeated army? We see here to what point a false basic concept finally leads. Dändliker is not willing to concede that the Swiss were the aggressors in this war, but he would like to explain the war as a kind of emergency defense, because the Swiss felt themselves threatened by the duke of Burgundy. If it were not absolutely clear from the original sources, then the conduct of the Swiss after the victory of Grandson would show how extremely far from the minds of the Swiss was the thought of feeling threatened by the Burgundian force.
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17.My estimate of the strength of the Burgundians at Murten(20,000 men at most)has, of course, been disputed widely by the Swiss, but nothing tangible has been brought up to oppose my viewpoint. Dierauer, p.211,would like to go up to a number between 23,000 and 25,000 men, but only on the basis of reported reinforcements in the last days before the battle, reinforcements that have not been proven. In my estimate, the only correction to be made is the note in Perser-und Burgunderkriege, p.153,where, according to the latest critical edition of Comines by Mandrot,1:363,the number “18,000” means, after all,“18,000 dead,” that is, all together, whereas, according to him, of those “prenant gages”—that is, warriors—8,000 are supposed to have fallen.
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18.Panigarola,10 June. Gingins,2:242.
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19.Panigarola,13 June. Gingins,2:258. Panigarola’s statements that Charles had his camp fortified are confirmed and clarified by the illustrations in Schilling’s Chronik(one of which is reproduced in Ochsenbein’s Urkundenbuch and in the treatment by Colonel Meister)and by the battle song by Zoller(printed in Ochsenbein, p.494). There it reads as follows:
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He inclosed his army all around
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As he desired, from lake to higher ground.
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A stream he dammed to make it swell.
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The work continued night and day,
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And soon Count Romont’s camp completed lay.
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Great trees he caused his men to fell.
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