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11.Paulus Jovius, in 1494.
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12.The passages have been assembled by Studer in the Archiv des Historischen Vereins Bern, IV, Book 4，p.36.
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13.Sempach letter of 1394. Blumer, p.374. Kriegsordnung of 1468 and 1490. Rodt, Berner Kriegswesen，1：250，253. Elgger, p.215.
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14.Rodt, Campaigns of Charles the Bold（Feldzüge Karls des Kühnen），1：331.
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15.According to the extract in Häne, p.29.
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16.According to Thüring Frickhart’s Twingherrenstreit, edited by Studer, Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte，1（1877）：137.
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17.Studer, Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte，1（1877）：145.
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18.W.F.von Mülinen, History of the Swiss Mercenaries up to the Formation of the First Permanent Guard in 1497（Geschichte der Schweizer Sóldner bis zur Errichtung der ersten stehenden Garde，1497），Bern，1887.
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19.Collection Petitot，10：245.
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20.“Et jam Palatini cessurus equitatus fuerat, nisi prodeuntes a latebris pedites longis hastis Badensium equos confodere cepissent.”（“And the Palatine cavalry had already been about to yield, if the foot soldiers advancing from their hideouts had not undertaken to strike the horses of the Badensians with their long spears.”）Gobellinus, cited by Roder in Die Schlacht bei Seckenheim, Billingen，1877. The principal source is a poetic work by Michael Beheim.
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7 勃艮第战争
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1.To be sure, the Swiss, too, suffered defeats a few times, when they moved out of their mountains, as, for example, the Appenzellers in 1405 at Altstetten, and in 1408 at Bregenz, and the troops of Uri in 1422 at Arbedo. But those were not very important engagements.“Ueber Arbedo，” by Fr. Knorreck, Berlin dissertation，1910.
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2.Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, p.609.
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3.Nicolaus Rüsch, the city scribe of Basel, even states that the Burgundians were 10，000 strong on horseback and 8，000 on foot. Busier Chroniken, Vol.Ill, p.304，1887.
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4.Rodt，1：304.
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5.According to the note in Tobler’s Schilling，1：163，the Solothurners reported to their home town in 1635.
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6.Basler Chroniken，3：305.
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7.Witte, Zeitschrift fur Geschichte des Oberrheins，45：394.
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8.Vol.I, p.326.Dierauer，1：197，also accepts the number 70.
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9.Witte, Zeitschrift für Geschichte des Oberrheins，49（1895）：217.
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10.F.de Gingins-la-Sarra, Dispatches from the Milanese Ambassadors on the Campaigns of Charles the Bold, from 1474 to 1477（Dépêches des ambassadeurs Milanais sur les campagnes de Charles le Hardi, de 1474 à 1477），Paris，1858.
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11.Olivier de la Marche, who, as a confidant of the duke, was able to know his intentions, states in his memoirs（which, unfortunately, are very brief with respect to this war）that Vaumarcus was occupied as a lure in order to entice the troops of the Confederation to move forward. This reason is not very clear, since on the far side of the narrow pass the duke would never be able to find a battlefield as favorable as the one offered him by his fortified position at Grandson. In any case he could keep his army assembled and wait for a few weeks more easily than the Swiss. This point serves as factual confirmation of the impatience and underestimation of the enemy, outstanding characteristics attributed to the duke by many sources.
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12.Principally the Baselers, whose strength is given as sixty men. But since the leader of the Austrian knights, Hermann von Eptingen, was also present（Meitinger’s letter, cited by Knebel），at least a part of these Austrians must also have been present.
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13.This point is stressed by the Burgundian court historian, Molinet.
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14.Reported in Saint Gall’s Part in the Burgundian Wars（St. Gallens Anteil an den Burgunderkriegen），published by the Historischer Verein in St. Galien, Saint Gall，1876.
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