1700088766

1700088767 4.Xenophon, Hellenica 1.6.24. The Athenians decided to move out with 110 ships，“putting aboard every one of military age, whether they were slave or free. Even many of the knights went on board.”*

1700088768

1700088769 5.According to a report contained in Polyaenus 3.3，Tolmidas, when he was once supposed to move out with 1，000 hoplites, was joined by 3，000 volunteers. Two passages in Aristophanes seem to contradict this. In The Knights, verse 1369，Demos expresses the wish that men will no longer be excused from hoplite service by favoritism, and in Peace, verse 1179，an individual is very unhappy because he finds that he is suddenly once again called up for service, and he complains that in general the country people are oppressed in this regard, while the city dwellers are given the preference. It is clear, therefore, that at that time（424 and 421 B.C.）the army levy had not yet become a purely voluntary, reimbursed service.

1700088770

1700088771 6.In Aristotle, On the State of the Athenians, Chapter 24，where he explains that the mass of Athenians lived from the state（by virtue of the taxes of the allies），it is also said that the city maintained 2，500 hoplites. It is not easy to say how we should interpret this. There can be no thought of a standing army. The peripoloi, who had a strength of about 2，000，can hardly be meant here. Perhaps there existed an arrangement whereby 2，500 men were to keep themselves in a special degree of readiness at any given moment, were occasionally assembled, had to drill, and received a small reimbursement. It can hardly have been otherwise, at any rate, with the 1，200 cavalrymen and 1，600 archers whom Aristotle mentions in the same line. Beloch, in Klio 5：357，expressed the conjecture that it must simply have been 12，500 instead of 2，500，and, in the end, that seems to me to be the most logical solution.

1700088772

1700088773 4　公元前4世纪对原有战术体系的完善

1700088774

1700088775 1.Herodotus 1.61. The mercenaries of Pisistratus seem, in fact, to have been not Greeks but Scythians. Helbig, Sitzungs-Berichte der Münchner Akademie 2（1897）：259. A military review by Pisistratus or Hippias on a dark-figured bowl.

1700088776

1700088777 2.Herodotus 3.39.

1700088778

1700088779 3.Thucydides 5.57.2. Xenophon, Hellenica 3.5.24.

1700088780

1700088781 4.Hellenica 3.4.15：“… Unless he procured a sufficient cavalry force, he would not be able to campaign in the plains; he therefore took it to mind that one should be provided, so that he would not have to fight the war shirkingly.”*

1700088782

1700088783 5.Adolf Bauer, para.47.

1700088784

1700088785 6.Diodorus, Book 10.

1700088786

1700088787 7.“On Machines and Their Names”（“Ueber die Konstruktionen und Namen”），Bauer, para. 58.

1700088788

1700088789 5　色诺芬理论

1700088790

1700088791 1.Xenophon, Hellenica 4.2.13：The allied forces moving out against Sparta in the year 395 B.C.take counsel “into how many（ranks）one ought to order the army so that you do not have to move the hoplites too much while the cities（allies）are surrounding the enemy.”* From this it seems as if the individual contingents had the tendency to form up as deep as possible, in order to concentrate as much power as possible, without realizing that this could cause the entire battle line to be too short, or in the hope that the others would be so kind as to line up in a shallower formation.

1700088792

1700088793 2.For an exception, see p.56，above.

1700088794

1700088795 6　伊巴密浓达　无

1700088796

1700088797 第三篇　马其顿军队

1700088798

1700088799 1　马其顿军制

1700088800

1700088801 1.Thucydides does not mention here the superior protective armor of the Greeks, and perhaps the Illyrians were better equipped in this regard than the Macedonians, who were more accustomed to the agricultural life and therefore, in general, less warlike, although Arrian（1.1.12）again specifically characterizes the Illyrian and Thracian barbarians as “ill-equipped allies.”* Furthermore, in his speech Brasidas specifically calls the Illyrians the equals of the Macedonians, and we may therefore apply the description to the latter also.

1700088802

1700088803 2.“Concerning Horsemanship”*（12. 12），“in place of a spear made of cane.”* The meaning of the Greek word “kamakinon” is not certain, nor is even the manner of reading it, but judging from the whole context, it is almost impossible that anything but a long spear is meant here.

1700088804

1700088805 3.Xenophon’s remark may be considered in connection with the cavalry combat in Hellenica 3.4.13. The account shows, however, that at that time the Greek cavalry carried not the short spear, but the long one.

1700088806

1700088807 Furthermore, it is not understandable without further explanation in this account, why the Persians had such a deep formation. They were not able to throw their spears from the rearmost ranks. The explanation lies perhaps in the fact that the Persians were counting on penetrating the Greek line with their deep column and, in doing so, throwing their spears to the right and left.

1700088808

1700088809 4.Diodorus 17.60. Arrian 1.15.

1700088810

1700088811 5.Adolf Bauer, para.313（2d ed.，para，433），concludes from Arrian 1.6.5 that the companions did not normally carry a shield.1 cannot find that the passage necessitates this conclusion; in fact, it hardly permits it.Cavalry shields were naturally much smaller than those of the infantry. Since in Plutarch, Alexander, Chapter 16，there is specific mention of the shield that the king carries into combat, and later, according to Polybius 6.25.7，the Macedonian cavalrymen undoubtedly had shields, it seems certain to me that such was also the case in earlier periods.

1700088812

1700088813 6.See also below, Vol.IV, Book III, Chapter III.

1700088814

1700088815 7.Concerning the discomfort of carrying and the difficulty of fighting with the long spear, see also Vol.IV, Book I, Chapter I.

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