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8.Adolf Bauer, para.272,estimates 3 meters; among all the vase figures that I have looked through, however, I have never found such long hoplite spears, even where there is no limitation of space.
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9.R.Wille, Text on Arms(Waffenlehre),p.79.
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10.A.Krause, in Hermes,1890,para.66,proved quite conclusively that Alexander also had slingers in his army and that Arrian intends them to be included in the word “toxetai”(“archers”).*
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2 亚历山大与波斯:格拉尼卡斯河会战
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1.That is the result of the careful examination of the sources in W. Dittberner, Issos(Berlin: George Nauck,1908).
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2.Bauer, para.314(2d ed.,434)even claims that the Macedonians represented not much more than a sixth of the entire army. That is too small under any circumstances. A. Krause, in the passage cited above(Hermes,1890),distinguishes among(1)a field army;(2)an army of occupation;(3)a satrap army, which was formed in the conquered areas by the appointed satraps.
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That is fundamentally correct but much too sharply distinguished. Naturally, there were troops that were used primarily for operations and battles, others that were more often assigned to garrisons, and finally the appointed governors did indeed form new military organizations But according to the circumstances, all of these various troops were naturally used for the various purposes of the waging of war, sometimes in battle, sometimes as occupation forces.
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3 伊苏斯会战
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1.After having had to rework the presentation of this battle for the second edition, I have now once again had to make not unimportant changes. The reason was the same both times—that is, a more correct and more detailed understanding of the structure of the terrain. Even now, however, I have felt obliged to stand by the fundamental fact that the battle took place not on the Deli-Tschai, but on the Pajas. Accordingly, I continue to regard the dissertation of W. Dittberner(Berlin,1908)as the authoritative work and cannot find that it has been eliminated by Colonel Janke, to whom we are indebted in other respects for the topography(Klio 10:137,“Annex to Petermann’s Reports,”May 1911[“Beilage von Peter-manns Mitteilungen,”1911,Maiheft]). See also the review of Dieulefoy’s study by Dittberner in the Deutsche Literarische Zeitung, No.24,(1912),Column 1525,and the article by Kromayer in the Historische Zeitschrift 112:348.
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2.Arrian 2.2.1. Curtius 3.8.1.
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3.An absolute proof for the moderate strength of the Persian army is not to be concluded from the march action, in that, according to Janke, a rather large number of more or less usable passes lead over the Amanus mountain chain into the plain of Issus. Nevertheless it can hardly be assumed that there was an elaborate allocation of forces to various approach roads, and since in the bat tle it was almost exclusively the Greeks who played a significant infantry role, then the other infantry contingents on hand cannot have been so very strong.
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Kromayer, in the work cited above, believes that the Persian army can be estimated at 50,000 to 60,000 men, since the Seleucids had raised armies of similar strength. The Diadochi states differ, however, from the Achaemenidae Empire precisely in the fact that they had a completely different concept of war, and in any case no comparison is possible in view of the positive factors that exclude the possibility of an army of more than some 25,000 men.
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4.Arrian 2.5.1 reports that Parmenio had been sent out in advance with the Greeks and other troops from Tarsus in order to secure the Cilician-Syrian passes. Now since the Greeks are not mentioned in the two sources specifying the battle formation at Issus, we can accept the account above with certainty. Köhler, in “The Conquest of Asia”(“Die Eroberung Asiens”),in Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie,1898,p.130,believes that Alexander did not need to post troops to cover his rear, since the Persian army was, obviously, in front of him. The flimsiness of this conclusion is evident.
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5.Arrian’s description, that behind the Persian battle line, which he describes for us, there still stood in useless depth huge numbers of barbarian peoples, has been understood by recent historians as an echelon formation. Aside from the fact that an echeloned formation, as we shall see, means a refinement of tactics that did not occur until a later period, Arrian’s report is naturally only the complement of his estimate of the Persian army at a strength of 600,000 men. What the Greeks saw in front of them was only a moderate-sized army; the barbarians, however, were, once and for all, masses—consequently these masses were placed somewhere or other in the rear, drawn up “in unusable depth.”
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6.Polybius 12.17.7,“… the peltasts in a line which stretched to the mountains,”* according to Callisthenes. These lightly armed men, who stretched out all the way to the mountains, were probably principally Persian archers. Arrian, in 2.10.6,reports specifically that the Macedonians, after moving forward slowly at first in order not to have their battle line become wavy,finally attacked on the run so that they would not suffer too much from the enemy archers.
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That the front of the Persians did not extend the length of the river is shown expressly in Arrian 2. 9.4,where it is said that the Macedonians, after Alexander had drawn the troops from the flank guard positions to him, outflanked the Persian formation. The sen tence in 2.8.6,“The ground on which they were standing allowed this number of men to be contained in a straight phalanx,”* could be interpreted to mean that the width of the plain would not have contained any more than were formed up, so that the phalanx stretched out from the sea to the mountain. The citation above, however, excludes this interpretation.
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7.According to Polybius, Callisthenes estimated that the plain of Pajas was not quite 14 stadia(254 kilometers)wide and that the Macedonian phalanx remained at a considerable distance from the mountains. Arrian reports that their left flank touched the sea. Now the plain is not 2½but 4 kilometers wide according to Janke,5 kilometers by Hossbach’s estimate—an error of estimation that is not abnormal(see Dittberner, p.122);nevertheless, we may believe Callisthenes when he says the Macedonian front was considerably less than 2½kilometers wide. It therefore reached from the sea about the same distance—or perhaps not quite as far—as the river was more or less fordable for infantry.
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8.Curtius 3.11.18:“Graeci … abrupti a ceteris haud sane fugientibus similes evaserunt.”(“The Greeks, separated from the rest, had escaped, not at all in the way deserters do.”)
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4 高加米拉会战
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1.Graf York, A Brief Survey of the Campaigns of Alexander the Great(Kurze Uebersicht der Feldzüge Alexanders des Grossen),p.32.
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2.Reported by Mandrot, Jahrbuch für Schweizerische Geschichte,6(1881):263.
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3.General von Verdy says,“Twenty-four squadrons(3,600 horses)must be considered as the maximum strength of a cavalry division, since with larger numbers the control of the battle succeeds only with very outstandingly talented leaders, and even with them only under conditions of thorough training of lower commanders and troops.”
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4.See also Cyropaedia 7.1;also 6.2 and Book 8,conclusion.
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5.Diodorus describes how terrible the wounds caused by these scythes were, but also makes it clear that the number of wounded or killed was only small, a point specifically emphasized by Arrian.
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6.Arrian says,“of the men surrounding Alexander,”* at the most 100 men were killed; the expression is very indefinite. If one relates it to the total losses of the Macedonian army, as is usually the case, this small number would contradict Arrian’s own description of the battle. Niese claims that it applies only to the actual Macedonians.Still other interpretations are possible, but there is no purpose in accumulating speculations on the subject.
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