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3.Livy(23.46[215 B.C.])says of the Capuans
:“Sex milia ar-matorum habebant, peditem imbellem; equitatu plus poterant, ita-que equestribus proeliis lacessebant hostem.”(“They had 6,000 armed men; the infantry was not inclined to fight, but the cavalry was more capable and so they provoked the enemy into cavalry battles.”)
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4. The theory that the original inhabitants had become the patricians by means of the income from their land is also opposed by Schmoller, Basic Outline…(Grundriss),2d ed.,1:497:“If one imagines that capital in itself and its unequal distribution produces big business; if one imagines that, because the heirs of fortunate entrepreneurs in the second and third generations appear primarily as possessors of capital, the possession of the capital had created the financial projects, that is completely false. It is always personal characteristics that create and sustain such ventures.”
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5.In Gellius 16.10.1 there is contained a verse of Ennius,“pro-letarius publicitus scutisque feroque ornatus ferro.”(“The proletarian is armed with shield and sword; armed with sword at the public cost.”)Cited by Theodor Mommsen in Political Law(Staatsrecht),Vol.3,Part 1,p.29. See also Polybius 6.21.7:“They chose the youngest and poorest of the men to be fighters with the javelin.”*
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6.For Attica we estimated, in the year 490 B.C.,120-145 inhabitants to the square mile; for Boeotia in the fifth century,110;for Lacedaemon and Messenia 75;for the Peloponnesus 95 to 110. Under the primitive conditions of agriculture, disturbed by the continual warfare with neighboring states, as we must imagine the situation in Italy 2,500 years ago, certainly 120 to 145 is the maximum number that could be fed, even for the fertile soil. As an old trading city, Rome may already have had some grain imports by sea as early as 510 B.C.,but surely not yet any great quantity, for if the city had already been large, it would have had a more important position politically. That the city was still small in comparison with the country area is further attested by the fact that only 4 of the 20 tribes were metropolitan ones. The so-called Servian wall, which enclosed a very large area, dates only from the period of the Samnite Wars.
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7.A regular, official procedure for maintaining registration lists appears at first glance to be something quite simple, but if it is to be reliable, it actually is very difficult and demands an extremely careful and energetic control. The advantages and disadvantages that are at stake are very great and the work, by its very nature, is in the hands of clerks who, in addition to the question of carelessness, can also be subject to bribery. In 214 B.C. when every younger man who was not on active duty in the field could not help being noticed in the street, a check-up found 2,000 juniores who had avoided military duty.Livy 24.18.7.
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8.If our assumption is correct, that at the start of the consular regime Rome had 21 tribes and about 8,400 service-qualified infantrymen, the origin of the normal number of 4,200 for the legion is probably to be explained in no other way than that each of the consuls was allocated half the number. If the entire army was assembled and both consuls present, then they each had the command in turn on a daily alternation.
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9.Very informative on this point is Theodor Steinwender, Annual Program of the Marienburg Gymnaisum(Programm des Gymnasiums zu Marienburg),1879.
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2 支队方阵
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1.Thucydides(6.98)tells us how the Syracusans planned to wage a battle against the Athenians and were already drawn up in for mation when the commanders noticed that” the army was disordered and did not readily fall into line.”* As a result, they led the troops back into the city.
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2.Polybius 11.22.10.
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3.Vegetius, too(1.20),shows expressly that the number of light infantry who were active in front of the battle line was small and that they moved forward principally from the flanks.
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4.In Livy’s Chapter VIII of Book VIII, to be discussed in greater detail below(p.00).
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5.Each weapon has certain advantages and disadvantages, and the evaluation remains a subjective one. In Grupp, Cultural History of the Middle Ages(Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters),1:109,it is said, for example
:“The Norwegian Royal Code warns against throwing the spear too soon; in land battle the spear is better than two swords.”
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6.Regulations for Drills with Cavalry Weapons(Vorschrift fur die Waffenübungen der Kavallerie),Berlin,1891.
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7.It is not known how the original Roman sword was constructed; it was supposedly only a long, strong knife,“Bowie knife,” cutlass, or even only the same knife that the man used for cutting meat and wood. In the Second Punic War the gladius Hispanus(Spanish sword)was introduced, a straight, two-edged, pointed sword, short and very broad at the top, better suited for thrusting than for hacking.
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A. Midler, Philologus 47:541. From Villenoisy’s “On the Method of Using Ancient Swords”(“Du mode d’emploi des épées antiques”),Revue archéologique,1894,p.230,there is nothing important to be gleaned.
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8. The pilum, which was initially, at any rate, a simple javelin with a very long, thin point, has its own history. For the best discussion of this now, see Dahm, Jahrbücher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinland,1896-1897,p.226. The surprisingly erroneous construction that Rüstow presented is a proof of how difficult critique is from the objective point of view of the ancient written accounts, even for the experts, and how easily it can go astray. The credit for having reconstructed the correct pilum goes to Lindenschmit, and the excavations that Napoleon III had carried out proved also to be very valuable in this matter.
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(Added in the third edition.)A. Schulten, Rhein. Museum N.F.66(1911):573,points out the probability that the actual pilum was perhaps taken over from the Iberians, as late as the Second Punic War. That would, of course, not eliminate the possibility that the Romans had already long before that adopted the method of throwing the spear ahead and carrying on the actual hand-to-hand fight with knife, dagger, or sword and were indebted to the Iberians only for the final technical improvement in the construction of the javelin. We have no positive testimony about when the Romans introduced the described combination of spear and sword combat, and by the nature of the thing we cannot have such evidence.
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9.According to Polybius. In the period of the Empire we find that in the armories the weapons were divided into “arma antesignana” and “arma postsignana”(“before-the-standard” and “behind-the-standard” arms),which can hardly mean anything other than that the foremost ranks carried the pilum, the rear ranks the hasta. See also Domaszewski, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie,1910,p.9.
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3 罗马人的操练、扎营和纪律
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1.Xenophon, Hellenica 3.2.2;4.4.9;6.2.23. Plutarch, Phocion, Chapter 13.
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2.Polyaenus 3.9.11:Iphicrates has a fixed point on the terrain in front of the camp occupied, in order to protect the camp. Of course, immediately thereafter it is recounted again(para.17)that Iphicrates, in enemy territory, also had a trench dug around the camp so that, as commander, he would perhaps not have to say
:“I had not thought of that.”(“I did not think as befits a general.”*)Judging from that, it probably happened more often, after all, than appears in the sources, that at least a trench was dug for the protection of the camp.
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3.Polybius calls it four-sided; the later camp description of Hyginus gives the shape as rectangular. The corners were rounded off in the later period, and presumably also from the start. To a certain extent the camp was naturally always laid out in conformity with the terrain, without eliminating the basic shape. Some of the camps of Caesar in Gaul are to this very day so well preserved that Napoleon III was able to have their size and shape very accurately established through excavations.
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We cannot go into the details of the Roman camp here. I refer the reader, in addition to Marquardt, to Fröhlich, Caesar’s Military System(Kriegswesen Cäsars),pp.74 and 220 ff.
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4.It is usually assumed(see Marquardt, p.426),on the basis of a description by Cicero in the Tusculanae Disputationes(2.16.37),that the legionaries regularly carried along the fortification stakes. Against this viewpoint, Liers(p.155)properly cited three passages from Livy(8.38.7;10.25.6;25.36.5),where it is related as the normal thing that the soldiers did not cut the stakes until reaching the camp site; and he gives a fourth citation(33.6.1),where the practice of carrying them along obviously appears as something exceptional.
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