1700096410

1700096411 Waitz, Heinrich I.，Excurs 15，“On the Reported Discovery of Metals in the Harz under Henry I”（“Ueber die angebliche Entdeckung der Metalle im Harz unter Heinrich I”）. According to Waitz, mining in the Harz under Otto I is definitely confirmed by Widukind and Thietmar; it is still questionable as to whether it really went back to the time of Henry I.Inama-Sternegg, German Economic History from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century（Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte des 10.bis 12. Jahrhundert），2：430 f.

1700096412

1700096413 The values for grains estimated by Peschel are obviously unreliable, and his opinion that a decrease of metal supplies can be observed in Europe from the fourteenth century on is certainly incorrect.

1700096414

1700096415 Soetbeer，2：306，thinks he has found indications that there was still much cash money on hand under the Merovingians. This opinion no doubt needs to be researched further.

1700096416

1700096417 The Florentine guilder was minted from 1252 on.

1700096418

1700096419 Helfferich, Money and Banks（Geld und Banken），1：87，says: “In the face of an almost complete cessation of production of precious metals and a heavy flow of such metals to the Byzantine Empire and the Far East, an unusual decrease in the supply of precious metal in Western Europe apparently took place in the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries.”It does not seem to me to be proven that precious metal flowed away from the west specifically to the Byzantine Empire; at least, there was only a shortage and no superfluous amount there either. But the general decrease in the Roman Empire must have started much earlier, and in the third century A.D. it was already leading to the catastrophe. See Vol.II, p.212 ff.

1700096420

1700096421 8.Ruotger, vita Brunonis（Life of Bruno），Chap.30.

1700096422

1700096423 9.Delpech，2：43，believes the Brabantines were horsemen. Köhler，3：2：148 ff.，says they were foot soldiers, but he gives no basis for his opinion. When he expresses surprise on p.152 that they disappeared after the battle of Bouvines and we later find only national levies and soldiers of the cities in Germany as foot troops, this point is at odds with his opinion that the Brabantines were already such a highly developed infantry. Furthermore, on p.147，note, he himself cites an English source, Gervasius Dorobernesis, Chronica de rebus anglicis（Chronicles of English History）of the year 1138 to the effect that William of Ypres, the first of the historic mercenary leaders, commanded “milites et pedites multos”（“many knights and foot soldiers”）. Furthermore, in the treaty between Barbarossa and Louis VII of France of the year 1170（Martène, Veterum scriptorum … amplissima collectio: Largest Collection of Ancient Writers …，2：880），express mention is made of the “Brabantiones sive coterelli”（“Brabantines or coterelli”）as “equites seu pedites”（“horsemen or foot soldiers”）.

1700096424

1700096425 10.Gislebert, SS.，21.844. Baldwin presumably had “milites auxiliatores, qui quamvis non essent solidarii, tamen in expensis ejus erant”（“auxiliary knights, who, although they were not mercenaries, were nevertheless on his payroll”）.

1700096426

1700096427 11.15.100，cited by Roth von Schreckenstein, p.352.

1700096428

1700096429 12.Gervasius Dorobernesis, Chronica de rebus anglicis.

1700096430

1700096431 13.The first treaty is reproduced in Rymer, Foedera，1：7，and the second one on p.22. In the conditions governing the pay are provisions that do not seem to be consistent. In the obligation of the barons, it is stated that those who receive 30 marks “pro feodo”（as “fief”）were obligated to provide 10 milites, and so forth. But the total amount for 1，000 knights was only 400 marks. But in the renewed treaty of 1163，30 marks was the agreed amount for every ten knights.

1700096432

1700096433 This agreement forms an intermediate type between a treaty covering compensation and a political treaty, in that the count excludes in the first case service against his suzerain, but secondly, in case his lord himself should attack England, he obligated himself to serve him only to the extent of not forfeiting his fief.

1700096434

1700096435 “Tam parvam fortitudinem hominum secum adducet quam minorem poterit ita tamen ne inde feodum suum erga Regem Franciae forisfaciat.”（“He will bring with him so small a force as he can so that he may not, however, forfeit his fief to the king of France thereby.”）

1700096436

1700096437 14.Köhler，3：2：155，has assembled a number of these treaties.

1700096438

1700096439 15.Boutaric, p.1138.

1700096440

1700096441 16.M.G.LL.，IV Constitutiones I（Records of Germany, Laws IV, Ordinances I），331，and Martène and Durand, Veterum scriptorum … amplissima collectio（Largest Collection of Ancient Writers），2：880. The rulers consented “inter cetera de expellendis maleficis hominibus, qui Brabantiones sive Coterelli dicuntur tale fecimus utrimque pactum et statutum. Nullos videlicet Brabantiones vel Coterellos equites seu pedites in totis terris aut imperii infra Rhenum et Alpes et civitatem Parisius [sic] aliqua occasione et uerra retinebimus.”（“We have made the following agreement and regulation among other things concerning the expulsion of criminals who are called Brabantines or Coterelli: we shall not keep on any occasion and in war anyone, namely, Brabantines and Coterelli, whether horse or foot, in all the lands of our empire within the Rhine, the Alps, and the city of Paris.”）

1700096442

1700096443 17.H.Géraud, The Highwaymen in the Twelfth Century（Les Routiers au douzième siècle），Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes，3（1841）：132.

1700096444

1700096445 4　战略

1700096446

1700096447 1.Annates Altahenses（Annals of Niederalteich）for the year 978:“relictis in alia ripa fluminis victualibus cum plaustris et carucis et pene omnibus utensilibus, quae exercitui erant necessaria.”（“After all the supplies had been left behind on the other bank of the river with the wagons, carts, and tools that are necessary for an army …”）. The enemy took all of this from the Germans and inflicted many losses on them.

1700096448

1700096449 2.W.Weitzel, The German Imperial Castles from the Ninth to the Sixteenth Century（Die deutschen Kaiserpfalzen vom 9.bis 16. Jahrhundert），Halle an der Saale.

1700096450

1700096451 3.Heinemann, History of the Normans in Lower Italy（Geschichte der Normannen in Unteritalien），p.120.

1700096452

1700096453 4.Collection of the Historians of the Gauls（Recueil des historiens des Gaules），11.266：

1700096454

1700096455 melius est nos convenire et pugnare, quam nos a vobis separari et superari. In bellis mora modica est, sed vincentibus lucrum quam maximum est. Obsidiones multa consumunt tempora et vix obsessa subjugantur municipia: bella vobis subdent nationes et oppida, bello subacti evanescent tamquam fumus inimicis. Bello peracto et hoste devicto vastum imperium et Turonia patebit.

1700096456

1700096457 （It is better that we make an agreement and fight rather than be divided from you and overcome. In battles（wars）a delay is insignificant, but the conquerors have the greatest gain possible. Sieges take a lot of time, and besieged towns are conquered with difficulty: battles（wars）should put nations and towns under your sway and those subjugated by battle（war）vanish like smoke for their enemies. After the battle（war）has been finished and the enemy defeated, a great empire and Tours will lie open.）

1700096458

1700096459 In this context, the word “bellum” is to be translated as “battle.” The fact that the work from which we have extracted this passage is late and unreliable as a historic source does not make any difference for us, of course, since we are concerned not with the authenticity of the seneschal’s speech but with the confirmation of the fact that such reflections did occur in the Middle Ages.

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