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4 战略
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1.Annates Altahenses（Annals of Niederalteich）for the year 978
:“relictis in alia ripa fluminis victualibus cum plaustris et carucis et pene omnibus utensilibus, quae exercitui erant necessaria.”（“After all the supplies had been left behind on the other bank of the river with the wagons, carts, and tools that are necessary for an army …”）. The enemy took all of this from the Germans and inflicted many losses on them.
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2.W.Weitzel, The German Imperial Castles from the Ninth to the Sixteenth Century（Die deutschen Kaiserpfalzen vom 9.bis 16. Jahrhundert），Halle an der Saale.
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3.Heinemann, History of the Normans in Lower Italy（Geschichte der Normannen in Unteritalien），p.120.
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4.Collection of the Historians of the Gauls（Recueil des historiens des Gaules），11.266：
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melius est nos convenire et pugnare, quam nos a vobis separari et superari. In bellis mora modica est, sed vincentibus lucrum quam maximum est. Obsidiones multa consumunt tempora et vix obsessa subjugantur municipia: bella vobis subdent nationes et oppida, bello subacti evanescent tamquam fumus inimicis. Bello peracto et hoste devicto vastum imperium et Turonia patebit.
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（It is better that we make an agreement and fight rather than be divided from you and overcome. In battles（wars）a delay is insignificant, but the conquerors have the greatest gain possible. Sieges take a lot of time, and besieged towns are conquered with difficulty: battles（wars）should put nations and towns under your sway and those subjugated by battle（war）vanish like smoke for their enemies. After the battle（war）has been finished and the enemy defeated, a great empire and Tours will lie open.）
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In this context, the word “bellum” is to be translated as “battle.” The fact that the work from which we have extracted this passage is late and unreliable as a historic source does not make any difference for us, of course, since we are concerned not with the authenticity of the seneschal’s speech but with the confirmation of the fact that such reflections did occur in the Middle Ages.
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战争艺术史 5.Vol.II, p.378.
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5 意大利市镇与霍亨斯陶芬王朝
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1.“cum consensu … Canonicorum ejusdemque civitatis Militum ac populorum”（“with the agreement of the Canonici and of the knights and of the people of the same city”）.
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An agreement drawn up in Modena in 1106 also distinguishes between “milites” and “cives”. Hegel, History of the City Organizations of Italy（Geschichte der Städteverfassungen von Italien），2：174.
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2.Arnulph, Chap.18，SS.，8.16 ff.
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3.Handloike, The Lombard Cities under the Hegemony of the Bishops and the Rise of the Communes（Die lombardischen Städte unter der Herrschaft der Bischöfe und die Entstehung der Kommunen），Berlin，1883.
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4.Hegel，1：252. Hartmann, History of Italy in the Middle Ages（Geschichte Italiens im Mittelalter），2：2：80；2：2：117.
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5.Relatio de Legatione Constantinopolitana（Report on the Embassy to Constantinople），Chap.12.
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6.Hegel，2：31. In a charter of Henry III for Mantua, there appears the expression “cives videlicet Eremannos”（“inhabitants, namely warriors”），which Hegel，2：143，interprets as meaning that the burghers were declared to be warriors（“Eremannos”）.
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As evidence from the other side of the narrowing of the distinction between the classes, we may cite Emperor Lambert’s law of 898：“Ut nullus comitum arimannos in benefìcio suis hominibus tribuat.”（“That no count should grant to his own men warriors in a benefice.”）If the emperor had to take the “arimannos，” that is, the free warriors, under his protection in this manner, then they were under a pressure that necessarily lessened the distinction between them and the burghers and peasants.
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7.According to the Gesta Friderici in Lombardia（Deeds of Frederick in Lombardy），p.30（M.G.，18.365），there were 15，000 knights（“milites fuerunt appretiati quindecim milia”）before Milan; according to Ragewin，3：32，there were about 100，000 men（“circiter 100 milia armatorum vel amplius”）. These two figures were then combined in the manner indicated above. The Annales Sancti Disibodi（Annals of St. Disibodus），M.G.，SS.，17.29，give only 50，000 men（“Teutunicorum seu etiam Longobardorum”（“of Germans and also Lombards”）. See Giesebrecht, History of the German Imperial Period（Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit），6：259.
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8.Ragewin，3.34.
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9.Ragewin，4.58.
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10.The accounts of the battle of Carcano in the narrative works of Raumer, Giesebrecht, Prutz, etc.are all inaccurate, especially since they did not eliminate the fables of the Codagnellus. The documentary basis for my account is given in the “Contributions to the Military History of the Hohenstaufen Period”（“Beiträge zur Kriegsgeschichte der staufischen Zeit”）by Benno Hanow. Berlin dissertation，1905. The account in Köhler，3：3：124，is mostly fantasy.
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11.Otto Morena, M.G. SS.，18.631.
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12.Annales Weingartenses Welfici（Welficius, Annals of Weingarten），M.G.，SS.，17.309. The duke of Bavaria and Saxony reportedly went to the emperor’s aid “in mille ducentis loricis”（“about 1，200 men in mail”）. Welf: “in trecentis loricis Deuthonicorum”（“about 300 mailed Germans”）.
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